March 03, 2006

Dr. Ram Sharan Mahat

DR. RAM SHARAN MAHAT

DR. RAM SHARAN MAHAT is co-general secretary of Nepali Congress (NC). An elected member of NC central working committee and a former finance minister, Dr. Mahat is known as an influential second-generation Congress leader. He recently authored a book titled “In Defense of Democracy” that earned him wide acclaim. At a time when the nation is debating the pros and cons of 12-point understanding between the political parties and the Maoists following remarks by the American ambassador that such an alliance could be fraught with danger for Nepal , Dr. Mahat spoke to KESHAB POUDEL and SANJAYA DHAKAL clarifying the parties’ stance and position. Excerpts:

Maoists have continued their violent ways. What is the status of the 12-point understanding?

I agree that the Maoists are not implementing the 12-point MoU strictly. One of the principle points of that MoU is that they are committed to multiparty ideals and human rights values. But whatever is done through threat or violence is not in conformity with the multiparty principles. We have got reports that extortions are taking place; abductions are taking place; they are forcibly trying to close the schools, which are run by the community; forcing the community-run schools back to the government; forcing the resignations of resource persons under the education program; forcing people to join labor camps; and so on. They have now started giving new interpretation to multiparty democracy with a suffix “anti-feudal” and “anti-imperial.” These are not in line with the understanding. Nevertheless, the violence has considerably come down since we signed the MoU. Similarly, there has been considerable relaxation on the movement of people throughout the country. What we are insisting is that the Maoists strictly implement the understanding, which will reduce the crises of confidence between the two sides.

Why are not the parties pressing the Maoists to follow the 12-point, then?

We are now raising these issues. One of the things that we agreed in the beginning was that there must be proper monitoring of the implementation of the understanding. The reports that we are getting from the districts show that there have been cases where the 12-point understanding have been violated.

If the Maoists continue to violate it, what will be the status of the understanding?

I do not want to speculate. The agreement was signed in good faith. I hope they will implement it in good faith. We still believe the MoU could be a starting point for broader political solution.

Recently, two representatives of powerful western democracies – the US envoy and UK ’s chief of South Asia Division at Foreign and Commonwealth Office – have cautioned about the understanding with the insurgents. What do you say?

I take Moriarty’s remarks as being intended to alert us. He doesn’t want to give benefit of doubt to the Maoists. We are still giving them that benefit. We believe that ultimately the Maoists will reconcile to the multiparty system given an honorable political exit. Mr. Moriarty has reservations on that. He made some strong points based on Maoist activities and statements by their leaders that show the Maoists still believe in revolution. He tried to draw the attention of the parties on that – which is alright. But then, what has the establishment done to draw the Maoists to peaceful politics. Yes, we had an understanding with the Maoists. But everybody knows that the solution of the impasse lies on the reconciliation of the three forces. One force is constantly denying any opportunity to sit down and come to negotiation. The present regime did not even respond to the Maoist ceasefire and their eagerness to negotiate. They seem to rely on only militaristic method, which will not solve the problem. Maybe, if the regime had responded to the ceasefire offer, the situation would have been different. At the same time, he (Moriarty) talks about the parties and the King coming together – but what is the framework for that. The King has violated the constitution – he must restore the constitution through the restoration of parliament. That, will give, at least, the constitutional path for the constitutional parties to play their respective roles. Any agreement outside the framework of constitution will not work.

But, even your party’s general secretary Sushil Koirala said recently that there will be no negotiation with the King as long as he does not announce constituent assembly…..

No, no. We have not said that. We have said that the decision to go to the constituent assembly will have to be taken by the parliament. Unless and until, the parliament is restored, how can the King call for constituent assembly elections? The election to constituent assembly should follow the restoration of parliament and negotiation with the Maoists.

The CPN (UML) also continues to demand the constituent assembly as the only solution. What is the position of seven parties on that?

That is the ultimate point. We have clearly mentioned in seven-party roadmap that the constituent assembly comes at the last part. The beginning is the restoration of parliament. This is also the point of difference between us and the Maoists. The Maoists say that we must go directly to the constituent assembly after having roundtable conference and interim government. If you agree with this route, you will accept the full legitimacy of their so-called “people’s war.” We disagree with that. The legitimacy of 1990 People’s Movement still exists, which gave us democratic constitution. So restore the constitution. Then, based on that you can go further to the constituent assembly after negotiating with the Maoists. We are still silent on the issue of what will be the future of Maoist arms. This issue must be settled before going for constituent assembly.

As you are now tied with the Maoists on 12-point understanding, do you take responsibility for the violent actions by them?

We do not approve or favor the activities that directly affect the people. We have clearly said in the MoU that our ways are different. They must ultimately come to the non-violent means, which will give strength to the agitation.

One of the points of the 12-point MoU states that the parties and the Maoists will continue to work against autocratic regime from their respective positions. Don’t you think it gives Maoists a broad license to continue doing what they have been doing?

We didn’t give license. They have been pursuing their methods for a long time. We could not stop that. It was our desire to see the Maoists change their track. But since that was not possible, we said we have our own ways and we do not believe in (Maoist) ways. That is what we did. They will change track only when a political exit is agreed upon by all sides.

NC president G.P. Koirala last week met with NC-Democratic president Sher Bahadur Deuba. Are you close to the party unity?

Every NC worker of either side sees future in the unification of Nepali Congress. That is the desire and wish of every party worker. It is up to the leaders to translate that into action. Over 95 percent of workers desire for the unity. If the leaders fail to re-unite, that will be their failure. Instead of sticking to their prejudices, egos and bitterness, the leaders must rise above their petty interest and fulfill the desire of the rank and file. The meeting between Koirala and Deuba is a good beginning. But, we should not be overly excited about it. There is still a long way to go.

When bitter rivals like Koirala and Deuba can meet and when the parties and the Maoists can reach understanding, what is hindering the reconciliation between the parties and the King?

The King must first reconcile himself to the constitution. It is not us who violated the constitution. He encroached upon the constitution. He took over powers that did not belong to him citing historical role and inherent authority, which the constitution does not provide. Recent Supreme Court judgment firmly said that the state power and sovereignty belongs to the people and that there is nothing like inherent powers that belongs to the King other than those prescribed by the constitution. Therefore, first the King must give up the power. That will lead to reconciliation. We are not the stumbling block. The royal folly is giving credence to the Maoist theory that monarchy is the root of Nepal ’s problems. That is the reason the feeling of republicanism is growing.

On what grounds can you start reconciliation with the King?

First of all, there must be clear acknowledgement of the fact that whatever he did in October 2002 and February 2005 were wrong. And the executive powers he took over must be handed back forthwith – not three years after or after election.

Since it appears that negotiations with the King have to take place at some point, why doesn’t your party come out with clear terms for it to start?

Since the King violated the constitution, he must first correct it. He must say that forthwith he is ready to give power back to the people.

On an economic front, how do you view the claims being made by some economists that nation’s economy is going to collapse in next three months? How do you see the economy going, say 2/3 months down the line?

It depends on how you define ‘collapse.’ The economy is very weak, there is no doubt. The situation is deteriorating – the growth rate is down even below the population growth rate; unemployment is rising; inflation rate has gone up sharply; trade deficit is very high; revenue growth is down; investment is down; tourism is down and so on. These will have serious implication on the country’s economy and its poverty. But it is not going to ‘collapse.’ Terms like ‘collapse’ and ‘bankruptcy’ applies when you become insolvent; you are not able to pay the wage bills or service your debts; there is a cash crunch or foreign exchange crisis. That is not going to happen in the near future thanks to the economic base that was created as a result of reform process of the last decade. There is still resilience in the economy, which will prevent it from collapsing.