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THE GREAT DIVIDE
Pro-Constitution and Anti-Constitution
Nepal 's political debate divides in pro-constitution and anti-constitution
By KESHAB POUDEL
When Nepali Congress leader Girija Prasad Koirala and Nepali Congress Democratic leader Sher Bahadur Deuba met a week ago at the residence of Koirala, overwhelming members of the parties welcomed it. Despite complications of the unification process, all of them have welcomed it.
"The process of unification begins but there are many hurdles before us to complete the unification," said Congress leader Koirala. "Congress unity will bring positive implications in the country."
"It is a lengthy and complicated process as the party has split from top to bottom. I can wish the unity but it is not easy as said," said former prime minister Deuba. "We need mental unity first from grass root to top level. Parties cannot unite on the basis of personal wish of Girijababu or me."
The country has been passing through a great phase of destabilization and it is manifested by divisive trends in the politics. Not only Nepali Congress, even the diehard monarchists like former Panchas are divided in half a dozen different factions.
Whether RPP leader Pashupati Sumsher Rana, former prime minister Surya Bahadur Thapa or Rajeshwor Devkota or newly established RPP (Thapa)'s leader and home minister Kamal Thapa or Minister of Agriculture and Cooperatives Keshar Bahadur Bista, all of them are staunch monarchists - but they are divided among themselves.
When parliament was functional and there were periodical elections, the parties were united sooner. The power through the elections had kept political organizations united. Several factions of Nepali Congress came closer and merged into a larger one with the motivation of emerging as the largest party in the parliament. Even Congress supremo, late Ganeshman Singh could not split the party, when he was sidelined.
After the dissolution of the parliament when there was no prospect of election, Nepali Congress split into two. Within Nepal Congress, Koirala has own coteries and Ram Chandra Poudel and Narahari Acharya have different coteries. One can see powerful divisive forces in the Congress.
"There are many procedures to unify Nepali Congress. The conditions of our division is still there," said Prakash Man Singh, general secretary of Nepali Congress Democratic.
The communist party CPN-UML emerged as the largest party in the second general elections in 1995 and formed a minority government. Though there was split in it before the third general elections, later the split was undone and it emerged as one when it had to contest the third elections.
Similarly, RPP, third largest party, suffered several splits but it reemerged all the time because that was related with the prospect of elections and power sharing. But currently, as there is no parliament and no immediate prospect of elections, the parties have fragile unity with each party having heterogeneous lobbies and groups upholding contradictory demands and slogans.
Each party has pro-constitution and anti-constitution divide among itself. In fact, the present politics of Nepal has many dimensions of polarization. Nepali Congress leader Girija Prasad Koirala's declared policy is to reactivate the constitution through reinstatement of the House of Representatives. But his viewpoints contradicted by his own party leaders. "Only through the Loktantra, we can achieve peace and absolute democracy," said Krishna Sitaula, spokesman of Nepali Congress. "Constituent Assembly has no alternatives to the present political crisis," said Sitaula, who is also a member of National Council. These opinions expressed by two powerful members of the Nepali Congress indicate how they are divided on the basis of pro-constitution and anti-constitution.
Within Nepali Congress (Democratic) and Nepali Congress, there are two different groups struggling to establish themselves on the basis of pro-constitution and anti-constitution. There are sizeable numbers of persons in Nepali Congress who uphold the constitution and sincerely believe that it has all elements of a democratic system.
One aspect of Congress leader Koirala's stress in politics is to begin with the present constitution and face whatever problems that may come thereafter. "The first step should be to reactivate the present constitution through the reinstatement of House of Representatives," said Koirala. Being in a critical position of top leader of unprincipled alliance with Communists, Koirala is still more critical and equivocal regarding the constituent assembly. Knowing the mind of Koirala, there are influential persons behind the scene who are yet pleading for the activation of the constitution with certain reservation.
Within the party, there is a small section - which speaks about the Constituent Assembly- but none of them have popular base in their constituency like Narahari Acharya, Laxman Ghimire, Bhim Bahadur Tamang, among others.
Although popular issues are being debated in the street, what lacks is an expression through organized leadership. Almost all leaders have an eye upon the government positions but they ignore the popular opinion of the people. The way former prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba has picked up some popular issues in his recent interviews has touched the heart of reasonable persons.
Never in the last twelve years, the country has seen such a division on the basis of pro-constitution and anti-constitution. With the elected parliament, the King and constitution were beyond controversy. Now, in absence of parliament, both are under attack.
Similarly, in UML also, opinions seem to have been divided into moderate and extremists. A section of UML leaders have become prisoners of their own populist slogans of Constituent Assembly, republic and all kinds of destabilizing slogans.
"The monarchy has already lost its utility and the country is heading towards the republic," said senior CPN-UML leader Bamdev Gautam, who has been representing extremists in the CPN-UML for a quite a long time.
The position of RPP is unique compared to these as it has a large number of people in the party who have had a long association with the institution of monarchy. For them, this is the most testing time. It has recently split into three organizations.
Pashupati Sumsher Rana leads the main organization of RPP. Though a democrat, he and his colleagues are staunch monarchists. Former Prime minister Surya Bahadur Thapa who also has the same faith in the monarchy, leads another group. Home minister Kamal Thapa, who is known equally as staunch monarchist as others and has capability of persuasion for reconciliation, leads the third and latest faction.
None of the political parties have unified single-minded push for any particular direction. All parties have contradictions as fractions but the greatest divide has now come into a debate as pro-constitution and anti-constitution group.
The silent majority, which has always been decisive, expressed faith upon the present constitution reflecting the general will of the country in favor of the constitution.
"As long as the mysterious machinations continues against the country, none of the parties has chance to emerge with freely unified approach towards the constitution. Groups and factions are the symptom of destabilizing machinations. There is news that Nepalese people may have general hope that all parties will come closer and factions and groups will vanish away in the same context. People expect that fractions of RPP unite and emerge as non-communist democratic alternatives and same kind of wishful thinking is there about Girija Prasad and Sher Bahadur Deuba factions of Nepali Congress. As the trend has been set a long time back, none of these have a chance to come to be united (soon)," said a political analyst.
"Fractions and divisions promote the objectives of destabilization and the architect of destabilization will not relent in its divisive actions. The great divide is much prominent as pro-constitution and anti-constitution - though the overwhelming majority of the people may be on the side of pro-constitution spirit - that is the spirit of national unity for prosperity and democracy."
The way out is the reconciliation between the King and the political parties that will reactivate the constitution and hold credible elections. After that the King will remain on his own constitutional limit and the elected parliament and the government responsible to it would come to its decisive position.
Whether it is the American ambassador or other western countries, they are stressing for the reconciliation between the monarch and political parties to reactivate the constitution. The credibility of elections implies a popular government through reconciliation between the King and political parties to avoid that crisis.
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