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Wednesday, December 20, 2006
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Peace building, democracy and development begin with compromise rather than polarization.
Dev Raj Dahal, Head, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Nepal office
Introduction
In transition countries like Nepal both youth and media form the “critical mass” or the change agents of society. Anything resembling a viable democracy, peace and progress is possible in the foreseeable future if this critical mass plays a very constructive role. After the signing of Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) on November 21, 2006 the responsibilities of this critical mass have increased in getting the implementation the commitments the government and CPN (Maoist) have made in the CPA and support the people building peace in society.
As a part of vibrant civil society and also a watchdog mirroring the everyday life of the nation in comprehensive detail, media’s roles in non-violent communication, monitoring of human rights and democratic norms are vital in this transition. It can also foster a trust by positive messages to begin reconciliation process in the society torn long by structural injustice, spiral of violence, death, displacement and waves of youth rebellion. A genuinely democratic, peaceful and prosperous society requires similar type of political socialization of youth where responsible media can offer a number of choices; enable them to cope with their challenges and role occupancy in various institutions of governance. Today, families and religious places are increasingly losing their socializing capacity to communicational and educational institutions. The value orientation formed in youth through media and educational socialization persists into their adulthood.
Nepal’s main paradox, however, rests between the rightful aspirations of youth and skewed opportunities the state, the market and civil society offer to them for creative participation. The paternalistic approach of decision makers to treat youth as passive recipient of welfare assistance, factor rather than an actor, and means rather than a creative catalyst of social transformation, is increasingly facing assault from the national and global media and peer group socialization. Another paradox in Nepal is: how to seek a balance between freedom and order in society. The election for Constituent Assembly (CA) by mid-June 2007 offers Nepalese youth an opportunity to reshape the nation’s vision and determination and mitigate the endemic generational conflict through peaceful means. This is expected to spark vigorous debate for internal party democracy and creating order in society through a constitutional state.
Challenges
Are the activities of Nepalese media ideally suited for engaging youth in the assessment of national issues such as Constituent Assembly elections while at the same time cultivating their civic knowledge in voting, debating public issues, making public officials accountable for their actions, demanding inter-generational justice in politics and establishing the public’s access to knowledge, information and decisions? Or they are just rationalizing the aspiration-fuelled promise of politicians which they have no policy target and institutional means to satisfy? If the progress of this productive human capital is squandered by a lack of sound policy framework the hope Of youth for freedom and self-governance may turn into political apathy or expose them into extra-ordinary mobilization and politicization.
Media often reports the cacophonous terms articulated by political leadership about democracy and diverting the attention of youth from their legitimate rights, recognition and dignity. The industrial- technological revolution has made democracy on a country scale as opposed to democratic city-state, folk democracy or inclusive democracy as articulated by ecologists, radical left and anarchists. To be sure, only a framework of democracy at the national level can define the concept of citizenship and bring in the benefits of globalization. The relativization of national democracy into folk democracy reduces its universal potential rooted into human rights and public international laws to a local version of elites rule. The rationalization of pre-modern politics, therefore, can not reconcile the social demands of majority of youth into a system of rule of law, responsible governance and a tradition of national integrity which has zero-level of tolerance to a culture of impunity.
To be sure, a nation becomes democratic not merely by its constitution but also by the constitutional behavior of its citizens and leaders. Media and youth have an extraordinary duty to monitor the violation of human rights of citizens, enforce a culture of constitutionalism and enable the voiceless to get instant justice. After all a responsible media is rooted in the public, informs the public and justifies all its activities in the name of public. Civic culture itself is rooted in the vibrant public sphere where public opinion is articulated, contested and shaped.
The Great Divide
Youth is not a uniform concept in Nepal as there is a great divide between the rural and the urban youth generated by geography, sociology, knowledge, understanding and empowerment. Factors like education, communication and economy are institutionalizing this divide through the primacy of private sphere and weakening the social base of citizenship equality. Urban youths have a wide availability of private digital media production tools which provide them the desirable opportunity to try out with the creative process while their rural counterparts are forced to leave the country to unknown directions to escape the pathos of poverty, inequality and structural injustice, take refuge in fatalism or even to asocial activities. This great human divide in the country pricks the conscience of today’s youth as young people are more idealistic and liberal in their values and orientations. They also pose a question to the current leadership as to how they want to be remembered by the next generation of citizens.
The nation’s material condition for youth’s participation is declining as opportunities for labor market is getting narrow day by day. If majority of youth does not have any opportunity to share the sovereignty of the nation, they will not have national memories to rebuild the state, democracy and peace. One does not have to mention its negative effects: rebellious spirit, howls of indignation and migration. A positive peace in Nepal requires the current leadership not only giving youth choices and freedom of action but also altering their own expectation as well as generating necessary and timely change to foster the apprenticeship of youth into various skills to enable their participation in competitive economy, society, polity and international regimes.
Another paradox of Nepali politics is this: democracy gives the votes to all citizens but economy gives the power to a few. To avoid this paradox, a system of property rights to the poor must be needed to avoid future conflict between haves and haves not. Modern democracy flourishes with a stake holding process than shareholding exercise. Media, judiciary, civil society and organizations of youth have a critical role to play in the mediation of this growing chasm. Educators are recognizing that knowledge-based society requires a new skill set for youth’s full participation in public and private lives on every sphere of governance. Nepalese youth need to blend technical skill, critical thinking, partnership and educational achievement to really outshine. In new organizations employers seek workers who are innovative, skillful at manifold assignments and able to consider and integrate diverse sources of knowledge and information into their works. A responsible media can provide youth objective information, enable them to confront with false consciousness, consent manufacturing, indoctrination and instrumentalization and liberate them from a culture of silence.
Like youth, media is also not a homogenous concept. One can see the Nepalese media following dissimilar political orientations—conformist, reformist and radical. Some are just entertaining having little educational potential. Here youth can a play a role in doing content analysis of media message, code of conduct and the like and cherish the professionalism of the media. Peace building, democracy and development begin with compromise rather than polarization. The anti-establishment character of youth and media provide corrective mechanism for democratic resilience.
Policy Reforms
The World Bank’s World Development Report 2007 entitled Development and the Next Generation formulated three strategic directions for reform: broadening opportunities, strengthening capabilities and giving the young people second chance to keep their hope alive and kicking. By integrating youth into national policy can increase their voice and visibility and enable them to exercise their citizenship rights. Youth is a phase of openness to entrepreneurship of all sorts. In Nepal’s context, the state has a major responsibility to try to level the playing field for the rural, female and the poor youth so that those with sound talent get the opportunities to realize their potentialities ad contribution.
In a post-conflict society like Nepal media programs need to cultivate youth about the habits of critical media analysis requiring them to question the contents of the message and defending the constituency of peace, exploring their own distinctive relationship to a non-violent communication and engaging in a dialogue with the attentive public, media owners and producers and key political actors of society on the questions of democracy and development. Quality of media discourse in addressing these questions is central to the formation of informed public opinion, democratic will-formation and determining a positive outcome for future generation. Peace and democracy require a generational commitment and sustained efforts of various stakeholders of society to enable youth develop their capacities and initiatives.
Welcome speech delivered by the author at a Telegraph Weekly / FES media seminar held last week at Hotel Everest-, Kathmandu-ed.
Germany is ready to support Nepal and the Nepalese youth to foster development
Norbert Meyer, DCM, German Embassy in Nepal
60 % of the Nepalese population is between 0 and 20 years old. There is no need for further arguments to show you who represents the majority in this country. Or with other words: any government ignoring these facts, ignoring the necessity to do its utmost to create perspectives for the youth has a good chance to fail, as we have seen in the past.
Nepal is in the middle of a peace process which is and will be accompanied by the international community. I for one can only speak for Germany. Germany is supporting the very endeavour-ful task to transfer the former exclusive society in an inclusive society with chances for everybody. Chances does not mean that everybody will automatically succeed but everybody should have his chance, not only high-cast people or people near to the power and money.
Very recently Nepal and Germany have concluded their official government negotiations and Germany has agreed to support Nepal in the field of health and family planning, infrastructure, food-for-work, promotion of local self-government and promotion of renewable energy where we are putting an additional 10 million Euro to the already pledged 162 million Euro for the Middle Marsyangdi Hydro Power Project. Altogether we support Nepal with the amount of 36.6 million Euro.
Some of the projects can be without any delay extended to necessary infrastructure work for the newly created cantonments, satellite camps, for shelter, health stations and water supply, integration of IDP by rehabilitating their homes, provisional tools, rehabilitation of public municipal buildings and infrastructure for the election process by contributing to the respective activities of the European Union.
Permission has been asked for and if we receive the green light from the Nepalese government we can, for example, at any time from now on connect our running projects with the improvement of health, sanitary and infrastructure in the cantonments.
Eleven years of civil war, which were causing more than 13.000 causalities, have now terminated with the peace treaty.
This conflict has massively obstructed perspectives and development of Nepal and that means, in the light of my first phrase, the perspectives of the youth of Nepal. Germany is ready to support Nepal and the Nepalese youth in order to foster development and perspectives of this country.
Youth and sport is another field which is, I think, important for the country. Practising sport is a good education to learn discipline, self control, bravery, self-confidence, fairness, team spirit. All very important character values; without them you cannot build a nation. Windfall profit is by the way that Nepalese competitors at international contests are overcoming cast thinking and political differences and divisions. So you can say sport is a very helpful tool for nation building.
Germany is financing as well since 2003 one long-term sports project in this country, providing a sport counsellor for athletics, by the way, one of our best man. This project has been very successful. Actually, we are waiting that problems and differences inside the Nepal Sports Association and Nepal Sports Council are clarified and solved which would allow us to continue this very successful German engagement in this country again.
The Nepal press is invited to do its job in helping to create a transparent society where control and equilibrium or check and balance are not empty words and are the foundation and guarantee that nobody with autocratic ambitions would try to spoil the democratic will of the people and the perspectives of this beautiful country.
Speech made by the author at a media seminar held jointly by this paper and the FES in Kathmandu on 16 December, 2006-ed.
Language Politics in Nepal in the Changed Political Context
Professor Dr.Ram Kumar Dahal, Department of Political Science, TU
Language political has become one of the most important and sensitive issues in post April 2006 Nepal when the country witnessed important political changes during second mass uprising (Jana Andolan). In post April 2006 Nepal, a number of political issues including language politics have been raised by the political parties including the Maoists. These issues include, among other things, the question of state restructuring and the debates like monarchy versus republic, unitary versus federal government and first-past-the-post system of election versus proportional representation (PR). The question of promoting inclusive democracy and the issues of even participation of powerless, voiceless and the marginalized (e.g. Dalits, Adibasi Jana Jaties, women, Madhesi, Muslim and minorities) and vulnerable groups in the main stream politics, in the election of Constituent Assembly (CA) (to be held in near future) and the interim government (to be formed in near future) are other principal political agendas raised by major political parties including the Maoists, in which language has to play very significant role.
The struggle for justice and right to self determination could be one of the essential prerequisites for conflict transformation, de-escalating violence, improving human security and peace building process in the insurgency-torn Nepal. As development, in most cases, could be considered as a process towards liberation from social evils, all forms of discriminations and exploitations, hunger, poverty, disease and from unjust power structure that attempts to violate the human rights and dignity of the citizens and prevents the sovereign citizens from control over existing vital resources, language could be an effective means of development in a country like Nepal. If the concepts of participatory democracy and development have to be realized in real sense, language discriminations, among other things, have to be ended for ever and encouraging the trend of respecting language as social capital/resource.
The contemporary cultural and linguistic issues are important factors for bringing political change in any society and Nepal is not an exception to this. The recent Maoist insurgency in Nepal (since 1996), among other things, is a grounded on cultural and linguistic factors and realities of the contemporary Nepalese society. Though the Maoist ideology is based on class division, its inherent ideology, as mentioned in its political manifestoes is socio-cultural (of which language is a part) which has played a very crucial role in bringing together different communities against the mainstream politics and authoritarian state based on language, religion, region, caste and ethnicity. It is important to note here that language in post 1996 period has become one of the most rallying point for the consolidation of the minorities and dissatisfied linguistic and ethnic groups in Nepal in general and in the remote Himalayan and Hill regions of the western Nepal in particular. Nepal being a multilingual, multicultural, and multiethnic country, the problem of language is acute in the sense that many languages speakers have seen claming that their languages are not given due recognition or mal treated by the government. The growing trend of using the language of the commoners instead of the court or elitist one among the general people has globally encouraged the process of democratization of the language. In today’s changed political context, it has become essential to identify the role of language in social inclusion and develop/ encourage a practical language policy based on practical consideration and socio-cultural realities of the country. The universal waves of the democratization, globalization, human rights and the national, regional and international context and a number of factors have undoubtedly affected the language politics in Nepal. In the present political context all the economic, political and socio cultural problems are reflected in the languages and the solution lies in the communication strategy adopted by the people in the interaction. The philosophers like Herbermas and Jack Derrida, have emphasized the importance of communication in locating the problems and their solution in the discursively reached consensus in communication.
In the process of federalization of the age old unitary Nepalese state (in near future after holding the election for CA), it would be essential to develop a practical language policy keeping in view the cultural, historical, environmental, geographic, socio-linguistic and need based characteristics of the federal units. The number of speakers of a particular language, the common characteristics of languages (e.g. the similarities in Newari spoken in three districts of Kathmandu valley), the acceptance of particular language as lingua franca in a particular area by other linguistic groups and a number of factors may be considered as some of the grounds for selecting particular languages for the federal units. In this context, Newari in broader sense may be accepted as the state/provincial language in Kathmandu valley, Maithili and Bhopuri (as second and third largest language in respect to speakers) as provincial languages in eastern and central Terai, Awadhi (as 8th largest language) in western Terai, Tamang and Magar (as 5th and 7th largest language) in Hills. In case of eastern hill districts, the Limbu language may serve as provincial language but as the Rai language have several dialects, in that particular case, it becomes difficult to select one particular language acceptable to the speakers of other dialects of the same language. Nepal may learn many things from the state- languages reorganization policy adopted by India in 1955 (The creation of last three states in India, Uuaranchal, Jharkhand and Boro was, among other things, based on languages).
As democracy is not always political, it is also essential to encourage economic, socio-cultural, linguistic, regional and environmental democracy in society keeping in view the concepts of equality, justice human rights including right to self determination, good governance, transparency and other basic values of global democratization. If absolute and inclusive democracy has to be promoted in Nepal in real sense, it is also essential to democratize and equalize all languages constitutionally and practically. (Paper presented in International seminar of Linguists, held in Kathmandu on 28 November, 2006 in CEDA Hall, Kirtipur)
Role of Nepali Youth in Development
Dr. Gopal Pokharel, TU
Introduction: 
Currently Nepal is at a cross-road of its destiny. Over the past few months historic events have taken place when the people of this country surprised the whole world while taking the destiny in their own hands.
Though, the entire world is rapidly marching ahead to keep pace with globalization it is a pity and an irony that Nepal is still characterized as a semi-colonial and semi-feudal society when judged on the basis of different indicators of development and democracy. A large segment of Nepali society is still struggling to obtain the basic minimum. Concomitantly, rural Nepali populace is a victim of bigotry, superstition, illiteracy, diseases, destitution and the like even when Nepali elites seated in the corridor of power are never tired of harping on the theme of millennium development goal.
The ground Realities
After the accomplishment of the integration process of modern Nepal two hundred and thirty eight years ago, Nepali history has undergone many of the vicissitudes, ups and downs, carrying on different innovations and experiments in its national life.
Anomalies and paradoxes
Many of the youths of this country have scarified their precious lives while under going through a phase of integration and have waged struggle to achieve the goals of socio-economic and cultural transformation through collective wisdom and efforts. In the course of building strong nationalism and a base for national reconstruction, Nepali elites did not achieve desired success as the entire South Asian Region was under the British colonial rule (exception being Nepal and Bhutan). Additionally, Nepali Palace, Strong center of all sort of state power was a divided house and was pushed to a state of vicious circle, impeded the smooth transition process with many aberration.
The vision, determination and political acumen-ship were lacking in the Nepalese ruling elites and as such Nepali youths were deprived from contemplating and pondering over seriously about the ongoing expansionist design of the colonial power in the sub-continent. The nefarious intention of the external intruder coupled with the sinister design of their lackeys in the domestic front, kept the entire Nepali society in the dark which in turn, made the Nepali youth unaware and unable to estimate the likely fallouts in the democratic norms and practices to create a sound base for nationalism and democracy,
Strategically, Nepal failed miserably in harboring support from countries of South Asia, and was at war with colonial power and consequently, was compelled to enter to a Treaty of Sugauli in 1816 AD which seriously hurt the sentiments and national pride of Nepal, causing a loss of considerable portion of it national boundary. The vicious circle of intrigue and conspiracy further deepened the crisis when in 1846 AD Rana Junga Bdr. Kunwar, an ambitious autocrat, staged a kot-massacre, killing a good number of Nepali youths surrounding the corridor of Nepali Palace. The episode pushed Nepal to a state of complete isolation and feudalism for a period, over a century. Against this backdrop, the quest and Journey of Nepali youths should systematically be traced, Judged while analyzing their role for socio-economic and political transformation and national reconstruction.
Role of Nepali Youth in Development
After the end of the world war II, a wave of nationalism and Democratization swept across the globe. India achieved independent from British Raj in which many of the Nepali youths participated actively which forms the part of the modern Indian history. The British withdrawal form India in 1947 and the October revolution in China in 1950 AD inspired the significantly.
In fact, the Nepali youth did play an important role in the anti Rana movement in the first half of the twentieth century which culminated in to the over throw of the Rana regime in 1950. In `1979-80 (2036 BS) The youths, particularly, the students movement, put tremendous pressure on the Panchayati Raj under the leadership of the King compelled the late King Birendra to initiate political reforms, and brought referendum in Nepal, introducing the provision of adult franchise in the election system. The perversions, aberrations etc, and particularly the role played by the 'go to the village campaign' body further provoked the sentiments of the Nepali youths to revolt against the Panchayat Raj. Along with the entire people of Nepal, the youths played a major role that eventually destroyed the entire edifice of the autocratic regime like a house of cards and significantly contributed to re-legitimize the multiparty systems in Nepal. At the time of lunching the movement for the restoration of multiparty system the commoners and the youths alike had very high expectation that the system newly replaced would take care of their long neglected interest and aspiration while exploring possible avenues in mitigating their suffering and would try to ameliorate their conditions of living in terms of better lively-hood and basic services.
In theoretical terms, the constitution of the kingdom of Nepal 1990 paved the way towards the democratic governance ensuring the observance of basic human rights and good governance but it was beset with severs social, economic and political problems. The most damaging one was and still is corruption which is deep and pervasive that literally no segment of society is free from its grip. In addition, a variety of political, administrative, economic and psychological and cultural factors are responsible for aggravating the corruption, irregularities, favoritism, nepotism and the misuse of power that virtually eroded the fabric of Nepali society and prepared the ground to launch a Peoples war by NCP(Maoist) in 1996 which could attract and involve a sizable section of Nepali youth for the emancipation of the Nepali society. After a decade long protracted war (guerilla war), the CPN(M) has succeeded decisively to make the movement, a people movement although a national debate is on pertaining to their modus operandi. The armed struggle waged by the Maoist, initially in some remote corner of the country gradually attracted the attention of the Nepali youths when king Gyanendra initiated some adventurous cum dangerous step to fulfill his dictatorial ambition by annulling the provision of the constitution by pursuing a policy of brinkmanship. Though, he made vain attempt to project himself as a savior, but in fact his own thinking and action has led the institution of traditional Monarchy at a virtual stage of total collapse.
Who are the youths?
Literally speaking, youth can be defined as a transitional phase of life between childhood and a stage of maturity (adulthood). In fact, it is very difficult to exactitude precisely when one end and the other begin. According to the United Nations and I L O standard, the youth fall between the age group of 15_29yrs. In Nepal the National Planning commission suggests the chronology of the Adolescence (10_19) youth (15_24) and young (10_24)to be within the limits of (10_24) , C BS 2003, 340. Data is also used from the Nepal Demographic and Health survey (N D H S ) 2001 and Nepal Adolescents and young Adult survey 2001. During the Panchayat era and an individual up to the age of 40 was considered as youth. In order to avoid short comings pertaining to precision on youth, it is imperative to carryon rigorous and scientific studies. Youth, mentioned under the prescribed age group, display enthusiasm, emotion and impatience are usually carried away with excitement. The inherent attributes noticed in youth, may well be characterized for the creativity that would enable them to be effective for national development. Youth stand in the threshold of making their career. During the past decade young people and their health needs have been the subject of greater attention world wide.
Especially, the issue of adolescence reproductive health received global attention after the international conference on Population & Development (ICPD 1994), since adolescence is a time of mental and psychological adjustment and it is a situation being no longer a child, but not yet an adult either. Nepal's population has increased from 8 million in 1952-54 to 23 million in mid 2001. The addition of over 15 million people in less than 5 decades is due to the high population growth rate. Continuing high population growth if not managed properly at this stage would reach 32 million by the year 2016, coupled with poor human development indicators such as low literacy, high infant mortality and low economic growth rates.
It is interesting to note that youth population are densely located in the urban centers and cities like Kathmandu, Bhaktapur, Lalitpur, Pokhara, Biratnagar and Jhapa etc. Youth from the rural areas tend to move to potential urban centers to seek opportunities and better livelihood. The urban rural deferential is also important from the policy point of view. Youth are concentrated in urban areas which are the expected pattern since they are naturally opportunity seekers and high demanding and high aspiring groups. They move for opportunity, education and employment. If the present trend is allowed to continue, the urban centers would be over burdened, over loaded giving the rural area's a deserted look.
The youth population is the most sensitive group in Nepal and can even be volatile and aggressive when they are unemployed. The Last Janadolan-2 is a burning testimony that Nepali youth today are prone to anti-systemic view, emanating form socio-economic grievances, lack of good governance and radical and even subversive political indoctrination. The Nepali youths expressed their dissatisfaction with the mostly of multiparty system, particularly the inept handling of affairs by the headers. The trends clearly indicate even today when the country in heading towards the election of constituent assembly and pave the way for a democratic Republic. In other words the mismanagement of state affairs, which the political demagogue of this country carried out for more than a decade, gradually, alienated our youth population from the present political process in a bitter truth. The millions of unemployed rural youth clog the cities and yet millions more have fled abroad ( India, East Asia, gulf countries, Korea, Japan, Europe and the USA) in search of jobs. The trends continue unabated even after the disastrous Iraq incident which killed 12 innocent Nepali Youth on August 31st, 2004. Nepali People had to bear the burden of 5 days Curfew and massive destruction of infrastructure in Nepal due to the spontaneous nation wide agitation against the Iraqi incident. People set fire on hundred of manpower companies in Kathmandu and shouted slogan again establishment. In fact, the Nepali youth affiliated to different political parties initiated dialogue to forge an alliance between and among several youth organizations to fight the personal ambition of the king. They fully backed of the main stream political parties, particularly, CPN (M) last year, in India.
(Excerpts from the Author's paper presented at the Telegraph/FES seminar on 16 th Dec. 2006-Ed)
