Wednesday, December 27, 2006

Opinion

The combination of poverty and illiteracy has made people to accept their status as predetermined by their Karma

Dr. Rabindra Khanal, Department of Political Science, TU

The political culture in Nepal is a conglomeration of various factors. Such factors exist elsewhere also but in Nepal they are more acute because of its incomparable environment. One of the most important surveys in this regard was conducted by the Political Science Association of Nepal (POLSAN) in 1991 just before the first general election. The survey had posed some questions related to people's attitudes towards monarchy, elections, political parties, effect of government on society, trust in politicians, and so on which brought mixed responses showing the predominance of parochial and subject political culture over the participant one. The results of the survey deserve mention in some detail here.

Economically, a majority of the people in Nepal are poor. The country is ranked as one of the poorest countries of the world according to the development indicators of the World Bank. Nearly ten million people, that is fifty percent of the total population, are at present living in absolute poverty, which has hindered development and education. This situation has not altered despite the increased strength of democracy. The combination of poverty and illiteracy has made the people believe that it is their fate which is the cause for their misfortune and thus to accept their status in the society as predetermined by their Karma, the sum-total of actions committed in past. This implies that one has no control over the divine arrangement. Such individuals readily accept powerful external forces as the prime movers in the world. Such attitude has not only allowed passive acceptance of the system but has also given space to those who exploit the natural apathy of the poor. As a result, active participation of the people in the political process in any form is unimaginable because hunger and ignorance put a limit on their horizon. Hungry men do not think beyond their stomach and this entitles them to survive as a subject and think on parochial terms.

Rich people with high living standards do not show much interest in changing the nature of existing politics. Their behavior and attitude are ingrained with the traditional order of the feudals, who try to retain their social prestige by maintaining the status quo. The continuity of the same elite has precluded any move towards change and any kind of openness in the political process. They are no better than the poor who form the majority in the society but remain passive toward the political happening. However, the basic motives of the two classes are different. The poor remain passive due to ignorance whereas the rich become passive to exploit the poor. Nevertheless, such attitudes do not augur well toward the development of a suitable political culture for the success of democracy.

The other class of people in Nepal, besides the rich and the poor, is called the middle class – the mediating agent of society which has a considerable influence on the social and political development of the country. They are educated, conscious of their status and role in society, and are always eager to create a distinct identity for themselves in it. Sometimes, they move closer to the political system while at other times they challenge the system. As a result, this class remains the partner of the system whether in support or in opposition. The middle class, as Rishikesh Shah points out, has a split mentality which cannot withstand the strains of poverty or prosperity and he claims that such mentality is the worst enemy to national character. But, the current politics in Nepal shows that the teachers, lawyers, professionals, and others belonging to the middle class have been more active in the political process than the other classes. Their roles have been positive in the creation of a dynamic political culture.

Besides the economic and educational status, social hierarchy is another important variable in influncing the political culture. People are socially segmented along the lines of castes, sub-castes, regions, race, and ethnicity. Their number is not exactly stated anywhere, but the census data of 1991 and 2001 record more than 60 such groups and 20 major languages. The caste system is fundamentally rooted in Hinduism, but the people belonging to different ethnic groups may or may not belong to the Hindu caste system. Some of the ethnic groups practice their rituals along the Buddhist, Islamic, and animistic faiths. But in the political process, the Hindu caste system has been predominant throughout history. For the past two hundred years or more, Brahmins and Chhetris have played a dominant role in Nepal's politics. Lately, the Newars have become the third powerful ethnic group in the power structure. As Rose and Joshi have pointed out, since the unification of Nepal, the political system, like the social system at large, has continued to be highly segmented in its pyramidal structure dominated by a handful of families belonging primarily to two castes – Brahmins and Chhetris. This is still largely true because, even after 1951, the possibility of social mobility for various ethnic groups other than the three socially dominant castes of Brahmins, Chhetris, and Newars has remained minimal. This was stated nearly four decades ago, but is still true. Not even the mass movement of 1990 and the restoration of multiparty democracy was able to change this reality. A large section of the society belonging to different ethnic groups and the lower segments of the Hindu Caste system is still excluded from the political process. This has not only created a big gap between the ruling elite and the masses but also hindered the cultivation of a suitable political culture for the success of democracy.

The concept of location is also important for the development of a proper political culture. People living in urban areas have more access to amenities in life. They get privileges in education, employment, information, and communication. As a result, their dependence on government grows, and awareness of their political interest increases. The growth in awareness of self-interest leads in turn to placing greater demands on government, and to higher levels of popular political involvement and participation which ultimately leads them to espouse a participant political culture. But in the case of Nepal, the majority of people live in rural areas and are engaged in agriculture where the basic needs of life are difficult to come by. They lack the infrastructure for development. They do not even know about their government and have no idea about what it does. For them, the traditional local leaders are the government and their order is law. This is not the case in every part of the country, but it is so in many rural areas where there is no facility for transport and communication. The political importance of rural life is often highly exaggerated by the politicians, specially at the time of election, but their promises are conveniently forgotten after the election. The ignorant rural masses do not seem to have developed a stake in democracy.

Age and sex factors also shape the political attitude of the masses. Citizens belonging to the older generation are bound by tradition, culture, religious faith, ascriptive values of the society, and an attachment to the past preventing them from accepting new values emerging in the country. In other words, they are reluctant to adapt to the new environment. The attitudes and behavior patterns of citizens of a particular age group have been examined during different times to see, in effect, what continuity or discontinuity might exist. One of the best examples of this kind of study is found in the work of John Crittenden, conducted in 1963. In this study he proved that the age factor of citizens determines their attitudes towards politics and, as they grow older, they become conservative and more reluctant to change.

In the context of Nepal, there are three generations living at the same time. The old generation has seen the Rana rule as a 'role model' and feels that law and order existed in those days. People were more disciplined and god-fearing. The rate of crimes was low and life and property were more secure in those days. As a result, Rana rule is considered to have been much better than the governments today. This thinking clearly shows their attachment to the past notwithstanding the perversions of Rana period. They do not see much value in the freedom and democratic ideals and prefer the dead silence of that period in the name of discipline. But this did not hold in the case of educated people because some of them rose against the system and worked for ushering in democracy. In an interview, Diamond Sumsher Rana, a prominent Nepali Congress worker, said that he fought against the Rana rule as an army officer at the cost of his life and he does not regret what he did, and, in fact, he is proud of what he did. There are many people like him.

The middle-aged citizens are generally more involved in politics than both youths and old people in Nepal. The control of political power by old people means that Nepal's polity is gerontocratic. The middle-aged people have gone through the hurdles of life and want to change the total environment for the future generation, but the influence of the older generation on them is so great that they are not yet ready to revolt against the old values of society. Pressed between the old and the new, they remain weak and confused. Thus, the new generation is expected to have more courage for change, to revolt against the unsuitable older values and help in institutionalizing democracy. There is an element of truth, for example, in saying: "Politics in Nepal is still based more on personality than on institutions; the leadership roles within the government and parties are personalized; there is lack of accountability; and when crises accumulate due to the failure of institutions and leaders, the elected representatives including the leaders of government, find themselves stuck with the environment. Such functional and behavioral crises severely hinder the process of institutionalization and legitimization of democracy in the country".

[Excerpts From the authors newly published book on "Local Governance in Nepal", Smriti Books-Kopundol, Lalitpur; Price Rs. 295 Ed.]