Wednesday, June 21, 2006

By, Hari Bansha Dulal

The April revolution has once again made Nepali citizens hopeful of peace and prosperity. Our leaders, who have time and again missed many opportunities to solve the country’s problems, must now exhibit the much-needed courage and vision to really bail us out from the existing insecurity. Everyone, from a layman to a technocrat, looks hopeful that this time round we are inching towards durable peace in Nepal.

The new government has taken some historic steps towards social change, including women’s empowerment. Unfortunately, it has already set a bad precedence in some critical areas, including one of the most important of democratic principles—establishing the rule of law. Take the example of the government’s posture towards the army leadership. True rule of law does not only mean controlling the streets, it also means checking the excesses of people in high offices.

While three security chiefs as well as nine top police officials got suspended for suppressing the recent peoples’ movement, the army Chief General Pyar Jung Thapa continues his stint uninterrupted. If the government cannot ruffle the army chief’s feathers, they should not establish a dangerous precedence of selective justice. If the suspension of other security chiefs was an absolute necessity for a fair investigation, why let the boss free? Can we say that investigation is truly fair? What does the non-expulsion of the current army chief imply?

Interestingly, the watchdogs of power seem the least interested in this important issue. The civil society and the mainstream media, including human rights groups—much-hyped for their vocal stance against anomalies and injustice— have maintained a strange silence on this topic. Should some get a free pass when it comes to human right violations while others must suffer punishment?

The army’s intervention in politics ends only when the civilian polity has tamed the warrior class. However, the taming of the military is only possible when the principles of governance and laws are observed by the government and politicians. The government’s inability to take action against the army chief shows that the current government, with an unprecedented support of the public and Maoists, is not capable of investing the civilian system of government with authority. Nepal as a nation is undergoing a process of radical change, and if not tamed, Nepal Army can become a stumbling block towards the peaceful transition into a well functioning democratic nation. If we cannot put a system in place now that will ensure accountability and loyalty of the country’s national army towards the parliament, we may never be able to do it again.

The generals in the Army do not reflect the general ethos of the rural Nepalis, who constitute the majority of the country’s population. The army officers, who maintain a taste for aristocracy, are far removed from the rest of the Nepali society. They represent a class that is privileged and luxury-seeking, in a vast ocean of poverty and misery. The recent gala wedding of army chief’s daughter says it all.

Thus, in order to develop it as an important player, the government must take some concrete actions. It must devise means to enforce stringent rules and code of conduct over the army leadership. Otherwise, the generals could engage in destabilizing the democratic process. The army leadership may deliberately program this democratic experiment to fail. If that happens, the royal palace could once again become powerful by default.

Too often history repeats, but public memory is short. We must not forget that Junga Bahadur Rana, long before he became Shri Teen, was merely an army officer. He helped establish the powerful Rana autocracy that ruled the country for 104 years. The monarchs were merely figureheads then, too.

An empowered, ambitious, and unrestrained military is by its very nature a potential threat to new democracies. The threat from the military establishment is less manifested in well-established democracies and mature political cultures because of well-maintained civilian supremacy and well-established rule of law. In an underdeveloped country like Nepal, there is great possibility of potential hazard, if the army is not well-controlled and held accountable for its misdeeds and unwarranted arrogance.

At the pleasure of their generals, the army can easily subvert the government, under whose authority they are raised and established. The world’s history, too, has witnessed such scenarios in the past.

In Rome, the liberties of the commonwealth were destroyed by none other than Julius Caesar who was appointed to command the army by the constitutional authority of that commonwealth. Power-hungry Caesar changed Rome from a free republic to the most absolute despotism. Civil liberties remained strangled for ages during which most horrid crimes, carnage, and bloodshed continued unabated. It is regarded as one of the most devilish, beastly, and brutal vices that mercilessly disgraced mankind’s quest for a free society.

In Britain, General Cromwell took power into his own hands and dissolved Parliament on June 22, 1655. The army that once vindicated the liberties of the people from the encroachments and despotism of a tyrant king, assisted General Oliver Cromwell in wresting liberty, which Britons had dearly earned and wanted to safeguard for generations to come. Thus, what happened to an English House of Commons, from an English army; that was raised and paid by that very House of Commons and that was commanded by generals appointed by them could easily happen in Nepal. The current government should take every step necessary to ensure the balance of powers, from suspending arrogant human right violating generals to making army a more inclusive institution.

There are more current cases worth noting. In Pakistan we saw the rise of General Pervez Musharraf in October 1999. He was highly favored and promoted by then Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif. Apparently, Musharraf backstabbed Sharif and hijacked democracy in the broad day light.

Thus, hope is not a method. Let us not vainly imagine that an army, raised and maintained by the authority of the parliament, will always remain submissive to the parliament and act in a responsible and accountable manner. They may very well fake submissiveness as long as the parliament does not disoblige their top ranking generals. Or else, instead of the parliament dismissing army generals, the army will dismiss the parliament like in Pakistan.

Musharraf hijacked the power in Pakistan while he was still in the airplane, returning home from his official visit to Sri Lanka. Paksitan’s is case study of what can happen if the army is kept unrestrained. Inability to tame the army, right after the country’s independence, has proved to be costly for Pakistan. After nearly six decades of independence from the British, their colonial masters, Pakistan has never been able to survive as a democratic nation. Every time it tried to take a fresh air, the army generals choked democracy before it could be consolidated.

It has happened in the past and can happen in the future too. It’s just a matter of change in venue or the time. In order to establish an example that the generals are not above impunity, the government should punish those who violated the rights and make the military a more inclusive institution. It should undo the supremacy of a certain caste or creed in the military by making it a more inclusive institution. The army must represent all castes and religions. That’s the best available means to weaken the reverence of the army towards the royal family and the royal family’s influence on Nepali army.

The current government should strike while the iron is still hot. If the government can not dismiss the army chief now, they will not be able do it in future and that will definitely send a wrong signal. If generals perceive that they are above impunity, they may not obey the orders of the parliament in future. The parliament will be rendered helpless; the 205 or so parliamentarians inside the parliament building will not be able to do anything in case of an army takeover. Premier Girija Prasad Koirala must not have forgotten the Holeri fiasco whereby the army refused to take orders from him, which subsequently prompted him to resign couple of years ago. Maoist rebels had abducted 70 policeman in the July 2001 incident at Holeri, Rolpa.

Many Holeris could happen in the future if the military is not tamed now. The current government may have reasons for not dismissing the army chief. It may be that the army chief is submissive now. It may as well be that that the government is yielding to international pressures, particularly from the Indian establishment, who maintain close relationship with the Nepali army leadership.

Whatever the reasons, the government should not set a precedence of selective justice by dismissing other security chiefs if it can not sack the current army chief. It would reinforce the already existing notion that the country’s army is elite among the security forces in Nepal. Doing so will dampen the spirit of Nepal Police and other security agencies. Their spirit has already hit rock bottom with the suspension of their bosses.

All citizens should be treated equally before the law of the land. If you can not administer justice in its entirety, do not provide a free pass to some and make others a sacrificial lamb. It will further corrupt an already problem-ridden and a hungry nation.

(The author is a doctoral candidate of Environmental Science and Public Policy at George Mason University, Virginia. This article first appeared in www.nepalmonitor.com The author can be reached at hbdulal@gmail.com)

19 days people’s movement in April 2006 stands as a glorious event in Nepal

 Mr. Laxman Basnet, Nepal

As all of you are aware that we were struggling hard since October 4, 2002 when King Gyanendra dissolved the elected house of representative and curtailed the fundamental rights of people. Trade Union Movement firmly opposed the King’s move. Many of our friends and unions were targeted; some of our friends in the Trade Union Movement even sided with the Royal regime. It was a very difficult time for us.

 Amidst this came infamous February 1, 2005 as ICFTU-APRO Congress was being held in Kathmandu on that day. Many of you witnessed the Royal Coup staged against the workers and people. The Royal regime imposed emergency, suspended all fundamental rights and arrested party leaders and activists. Our union activities were restricted and watched. I was also hounded and sought after by the security forces. However, we continued our struggle.

 19 days people’s mass movement in April 2006 stands as a glorious event not only in the Nepali history but also in the history of nonviolent mass movement. Despite all brutalities and atrocities the movement was peaceful and disciplined. There were no incidence of lawless and retaliation on the part of people. The popular protest began on April 6 on the call of seven political parties. Trade Unions supported the civil disobedience movement. Our brother and sisters participated with full vigor and enthusiasm in the movement all over the country in a massive way. The movement succeeded in restoring people’s sovereignty. Workers’ participation in the movement is widely recognized. The movement established us as the equal social partner. At this moment I would like to remember and pay my tribute to all those 21 brave Nepalis who lost their life and countless others who sustained injuries. Among 21 martyrs 8 were workers, two of them were NTUC- ITF affiliate transport workers. Many of our members are still under medical treatment.

Our task ahead is to build and consolidate middle ground (social democratic space) to limit the challenges created by both right and left extremisms. Our agenda for coming days is to create single National center to ensure full protection of workers’ rights, social security and decent work.

Today, here I am accompanied by my union colleague Ms. Manju Bhattarai, who was jailed several times during these five years of democratic struggle. Lastly I would to thank all the trade unions through out the world, ILO workers’ group and its chair, who protested against royal regime here in Geneva last year. Similarly, we are grateful to all GUF who staged protest all over the world in front of Nepalese Embassies. We thank general secretary ICFTU brother Guy Rayder who personally protested in Brussels and persistently wrote to the King of Nepal. Nearer at home we were relentlessly supported and encouraged by ICFU-APRO General Secretary brother N. Suzuki who visited Nepal three times since Feb. 1, 2005. He personally took issue with the King’s vice chair in the cabinet. I once again thank you all for you solidarity and support.

 Laxman Basnet’s Speech at Workers’ Group made at 95 th ILC 2006, Geneva. Mr. Basnet is President Nepal Trade Union Congress-ed.

Conflict & its impact on tourism

(Jointly prepared by Bharat Bishwakarma, Kiran Lal Joshi, Nogendra Sapkota, Preeti Shrestha Chettry, Sandipa Thapa Basnyat, Students of EMBA at Kathmandu University)

Tourism in Nepal has emerged as one of the major economic resource. It has contributed to the overall growth of the economy. The tourism sector has expanded tremendously, particularly in past few decades. However, the current security situation has become hazardous to sustain Nepalese tourism. Tourists have always looked upon Nepal as a peaceful and secure destination that has been now challenged.

During the past thirty years, Nepal experienced an unprecedented growth in tourists' arrival. However, the growth has been thwarted by internal instability starting from the Maoist insurgency to create a People's Democratic Republic. The international community has commented the movement as the deadliest and the most brutal conflict in Asia, which has taken over more than 13,000 lives. Similarly, significant changes in the political arena have put the country under international pressure consequently, depreciating tourist arrival.

A greater insurgency was unleashed within the last three years, as more deaths have been recorded. Tourism has experienced a major impact, as a majority of the military operations have been in the mountain communities where trekking tourism, a principal mainstay product, is in disarray. So far casualties among tourist have not been evident, but rampant extortions are reported to be common. `

There has been growth in international arrivals for the past three decades, however during times of political instability and insurgency, declining of tourist arrival begun. Over the course of last few years, arrivals have plummeted with substantial decreases during the peak season (Nepal Tourism Board). The domestic instability in the last 12 years along with the regional (war in Afghanistan) and international conflict (global war on terrorism) has negatively affected the tourism industry in Nepal.

In 1962, international arrivals were at 6,179 while this number grew to 175,778 in 1982. The highest visitation was recorded in 1999 with 491,504. Visitors come to Nepal primarily for holiday/ pleasure, trekking and mountaineering usually during the tourist season that ranges from October to May. Visitors that come by air (86%) fly to Kathmandu, the capital city that has the only international airport. Since trekking seems to be the focal point of most visitors, selective parks and protected areas host these visitors. The mountain regions have been the most affected regions due to the conflict. The most visited Annapurna Conservation Area Project has been adversely affected as insurgents have attacked the offices and destroyed various buildings there. The management has been threatened and various conservation and social development programs have been hampered.

The conflict has an adverse effect on national economy.

Scenario analysis indicates that if the development expenditure declines at the current rate, the total GDP growth loss will be 8.3% for the period between 2005 and 2009, i.e., an average loss of 1.7% of growth per year. If the conflict intensifies and development expenditure declines twice the current rate, the GDP growth lost will be 10.3%, an average loss of 2.1 % of growth per annum. A key factor contributing to this figure is political instability. A detailed examination of major internal and external political events could provide important perspectives on the obstacles to tourism development. The economic growth in the year 2005 slowed to 2% in 2005 due to slowdown in major economic sectors. Agriculture grew 2.8%, but tourism declined by 31.5% reflecting a 12% drop in tourist arrivals. While the conflict has affected Nepal's overall economy, tourism sector has experienced a sharp decline. The number of tourists visiting the national parks and conservation areas has declined due to the perception of insecurity and armed conflicts. The revenue of the protected areas and income of the local communities from the tourism have sharply dwindled in recent years. Hotels and related service industries located around the parks and conservation areas have been badly hit by the conflict.

The upsurge in political unrest and imposition of curfews at the beginning of the year scared away tourists from visiting Nepal. Travel agencies, hotels and casinos all reported 20-50 % cancellations in bookings. Hotels are having under­-occupancy, and some of them are in the verge of closing down. Today, Nepal has lost about 80% of the arrivals before 2001.

Tourism creates economic impulses in other sectors as well. Despite acknowledging the significant role of tourism by various plans, Nepal has failed to exploit its potential to a fuller extent. The analysis shows that only fully committed and integrated approach will promote the tourism sector and uplift the country's economy to the global stage.

Visitor's inflow in the recent years has not been up to the mark as the destination faced serious image crisis during the period. The industry, which contributed significantly to the national economy, has been in doldrums. The hospitality industry has been almost capsized due to significantly lower arrival of the guests. Starving from the slackness, the measures taken by the government have not been effective to the extent of the investment made.

The insurgency and the political chaos in the Himalayan Kingdom has also severely affected the ` backpacker tourism' resulting in decreased 'trickle-down' effect hurting the lower strata of tourism - dependent people the most. While the data released from the Nepal Tourism Board "NTB" show a steady rise in the number of tourist arrivals, officials agree that they have witnessed a significant slump in the category of Free Individual Travelers who make for over 50 percent of the total incoming tourists. The decrease in tourist arrival has upset the country's aim of using tourism as a tool for poverty alleviation. However, although the arrival of free and individual traveler "FIT" has significantly dropped the arrival of organized travelers who arrives in-­groups has not decreased. Nearly millions of people get direct or indirect employment through tourism related sectors of the country. From mid nineties, when tourists used to contribute around 4 percent of the total GDP which is over 15 percent of total.

Even the foreign exchange earnings industry shrank considerably. According to the economic survey 2002/03 published by the Ministry of Finance, the tourism industry could contribute only 1.9% to the GDP in FY 2001/ 02. FTI fell by 40 to 50 percent from 50 percent of the total tourist.

Collectively, the hotels and lodges of Nepal have the capability of accommodating 1.5 million visitors a year, but at present, they are only receiving less than 30.000 visitors a year.

Even the hoteliers of Pokhara and Chitwan are miserably affected by the decline in the tourists' arrival. Nepal Tourism Board, the pioneer government organization, has so far endeavored to convince the foreigners by various means viz., holding conference of the foreign journalists, convincing the tourists traveling Nepal amidst bad times, expanding its marketing efforts in the targeted group/country, but has not been able to restore the industry at its initial position.

This is a national issue and its impact on the national economy is very much significant. For the tourism revival of the country, all the Nepalese media, organizations have to put their hands together for the welfare of the tourism industry. The marketing efforts put forward by NTB should be further strengthened. Despite the current turmoil, most tourist experts believe that Nepal will radiate in the global tourism once the stability is restored.

Nepal is considered as one of the best tourism destinations in the world due to its geographical diversity, ranging from the highest peak Mount Everest, beautiful terraces of the hilly regions and dramatic natural magnificence.

Text courtesy: The NTTR June 12 -18, 2006-ed.

Participation of the youth in the political sector can help reduce prevailing negative trends in society

Nepal Foundation for Advanced Studies reached Sindhulimadi, the strategic and historical town in the inner Tarai of central Nepal, for the first time on 1 June, 2006 with its seminar on civic education. The discussion held in cooperation with Friedrich Ebert Stiftung of Germany proved to be an important event for this ancient hub where similar gatherings are few and fare between.

Although the core objective of the seminar for NEFAS is to gather feedback for its book on civic education which is widely used in the school curriculum at present, it provides a significant opportunity for participants to delve into more peripheral issues of local and national politics. The burning political issues of the day find a comfortable place in the discussions while the participants discuss the need to educate people about their constitutional rights and obligations in a democracy. In fact, this is another aspect of the seminars which makes the otherwise drab technical discussions not only lively, but even informative for those in the local public scene. And, discussions in Sindhuli proved the point when it veered off the course several times to discuss issues like the meaning and significance of a constituent assembly and a suitable method of carrying out its elections in Nepal. The seminar was chaired by Falguni Sharma.

Kicking of the discussions, NEFAS Executive Director Ananda Srestha made a brief introductory remark saying: NEFAS has been involved in development related issues since 1995 in different parts of the country. The objective of the seminar is to help strengthen democracy. The paper that is being presented by Shivaraj Dahal needs updating which will be done by including your experiences. The paper forms part of the book that is also a curriculum in schools. We have received numerous suggestions from other parts of the country. I am confident that your contributions will prove valuable.

Shivaraj Dahal quickly moved in to make his presentation saying that a lot of negative trends seen among today’s youth was to do with the lack of sensitivities of the political sector in dealing with them. The theme of his presentation was that politics must be turned into game that everyone respects and not something that is perceived to be pursued only by social outcasts. Participation of the youth in the political sector can help reduce these negative trends. Once the right people man the responsible posts, things start falling into place.

After the presentation, Prof Ram Kumar Dahal deliberated on Civic Education and its Rationale for some length of time. “In contemporary politics of Nepal, we as political scientists see various issues like inclusive democracy and constituent assembly being raised these days. This has prompted us to develop ways to explain them to our students. In other words, new issues keep coming and we need to continually update ourselves with them. This updating of knowledge of the public sphere is what civic education is all about.

In developed countries, the state has institutions to continually update political and civic education among the populace. In our country too, we feel the need for structures that can take care of the need for civic education. We are just beginning by developing one in the formal education sector, but we must expand to the informal education sector as well.

In today's changed context, what should be the responsibility of the citizen? This is something that must be explored. There is a lot that needs to be done. The state must give equal importance to both formal and informal education. It is clear that unless we do that our political sector will continue to suffer.

The floor discussions that followed appeared to be brief, too brief, at first without much comments from the participants. This was strange for the organizers as most discussions over the years have seen sessions extended well into lunch breaks and beyond the stipulated time. But the doubts quickly started wearing off when the several queries raised by the floor began to be answered by the presenters. Participants began counter-questioning leading to more discussions both among the participants themselves and with the panel of presenters. This happened several times, making it a unique experience for NEFAS in its scheme of holding seminars.

Most of the comments from the Sindhuli participants were unique as well. They wanted to know how the terminologies taken up in the presentations fitted in after the political change in Nepal where we find such words redefined by political parties according to their needs. For example, what would be the corresponding term for ‘democracy’ in Nepali? Or, participants wanted to know if some of the issues raised in the presentations, like religious non-discrimination do not have a place at a time when the reinstated Parliament has already declared Nepal a secular state.

The more interesting part of the discussion, which took place for a considerable length of time, was when a political activist wanted political scientist Prof. Ram Kumar Dahal, to deliberate on the constituent assembly saying that many were completely unaware about what it was. This led the professor to make another presentation, which was not on the original NEFAS agenda, leading to yet more discussions on whether the available models of the constituent assembly would serve Nepal’s needs at present. If some thought that none of them could address Nepal’s needs, others tried to see a linkage of the Nepali situation with each of them. For them, the South African model designed to end apartheid had close linkage with the need to end discrimination among the various castes and ethnic groups in Nepal. The model developed to establish a communist state after a revolution too had similarities with the Nepalese class struggles. Even post-colonial constituent assemblies formed to write a constitution for a newly independent state would be relevant for Nepal as Nepal too suffered from the hegemony of neo-colonialists and needed to come out of it.

Finally, the seminar was about to wrap up after Shivaraj Dahal was replying to the earlier queries when, once again, the participants broke off to discuss how to internalize the new technologies available and still retain national identity.

The discussions came to a close with the Chairperson's remarks from Falguni Sharma who said: Contemporary discussions in the context of democracy have generated a lot of challenges. We see that everyone is trying to address social discrimination. We see the need for active participation by the younger generation, something that the paper tries to focus on. This can be done through formal and non-formal education and we must reach the remotest of villages to explain to the people about their democratic rights.

Summary report of a seminar on Civic Education for the Youth Organised by Nepal Foundation For Advanced Studies in cooperation with FES Sindhuli ,1 June'06-ed.

Village Tourism Challenges

- Shraddha Tuladhar, Nepal

The poverty alleviation programs and Village tourism promotion forums have been doing remarkable job in developing the lifestyle of indigenous people.

After the success of Sirubari model village, many other villages were developed for the promotion of village tourism in Nepal like Ghale Gaun, Langtang, Chepang hills, Tamang Heritage Trail, Bandipur, Briddim and many others.

Surya Prakash Joshi, President of Village Tourism Promotion Forum-Nepal, said, "Village tourism also known as community based tourism. Our main objective to form village tourism is because, due to poor economic condition in Nepal, the rural population is migrating to cities. With the concept of village tourism we want these rural people to stay where they belong and at the same time creating the development of the place by their own efforts."

Nevertheless, the locals cannot host and manage the tourists, for which the government has initiated a concept of Tourism for Rural Poverty Alleviation Programme (TRPAP) started at six districts, Rasuwa, Chitwan, Solukhumbu, Illam, Raplejung, Rupandehi and Dolpa.

The visitors, domestic and international can get opportunities to experience a stay in unspoiled village with natural settings and living as a family member in homely environment. Village tourism development has to be sustainable and must meet the needs of the visitors and host communities while protecting and enhancing opportunities for the future.

This concept facing controversies which voices that the projects working on developing village tourism are lacking follow­-ups. The people in the rural areas are not yet ready to receive the tourists. Tourists are encouraged for home stay in rural areas but while the locals do not have enough money to eat themselves what can they possibly offer the tourist?

Vijay Pradhan, Managing Director of Dream Nepal said, "Among all the villages Sirubari developed by Nepal Village Resort is the only properly managed village. The destinations have been created but the basic needs of the rural are still to be met."

One of the problems faced to developing village tourism has been due to Maoist insurgencies. Pradhan suggested, "Infrastructure, is also a requirement for accessibility of the tourists into the tourist destination."

The planning should comprise of proper preparations and maintenance. However, few visiting tourists have shown concerns over hygiene, sanitation and proper maintenance for it's long-term sustainability. TRPAP as well as the concerned village development bodies should give attention to these issues.

Another tourists said, "I have comprehended international bodies working towards developing the local lifestyle by their projects but they seem to omit what people in the rural areas really want in term of education, drinking water, sanitation and electricity." Though these projects are creating awareness, they have overlooked the basic requirements of the rural communities.

The success of village tourism mainly lies on the community's joint efforts and depends on the attitudes and supports of government and NTB at the center.

Shrestha further elaborated, "Village tourism concept still lacks in catering VIP tourists because of the unavailability of proper services. Whatever project we have initiated for village tourism, it is adhered to with our own funds and government has not given enough attention. TRPAP should involve concerned village association and keep close monitoring for proper management. We only have voice and the mind but the one who posses fund should take necessary mechanism."

Rabi Jung Panday, of TRPAP explained, "Along with creating destinations, TRPAP is also operating environmentally focused programs in all our areas. We are equally giving focus on especial training programs regarding conservation, hygiene, sanitation, tourists trails, informative signs and drinking water facilities from the very beginning of TRPAP project." He further said that creating awareness is the gradual process in changing people's perceptions and attitude.

Due to political instability, village tourism has also been lying inactive. With the tourists' inflow in these areas, the remote communities will gain practical experience that will contribute better service to the tourists.

However, the concept of village tourism has somehow improved the lifestyle of people in the rural areas. The government needs an action plan with specific programs based on the need of entrepreneurs and the rural populace. As a facilitator, the government should build forward and backward linkages network.

Observing the role of NTB, it should also indulge in effective marketing for the tourism promotion in remote areas.

Text courtesy: The NTTR June 12 -18, 2006-ed.

A responsible media can transform the identity of Nepali youths into a deliberative Nepali public

Dev Raj Dahal, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung

Why educated youths are increasingly alienating themselves from the society of their origin and leaving the rural society virtually on the edge of sterility and stagnation? Why, in an information age, media is unevenly distributed in society like per capita income and majority of Nepalese youths are less informed about the Spirit of the Age and the needs of our nation? Can media mediate between the modern aspiration of Nepalese youth for peace and justice and style of power politics that is gerentocratic, demagogic and clientalistic?

Problem: It is difficult to generalize problems of youth in Nepal due to their differentiated statuses, diverse mode of socialization and transformation from childhood to adulthood. A general mood of disappointment is, however, afflicting Nepali youth due to growing anomie, fear and uncertainty about public life and a loss of a sense of balance between structural conditions of society and the polity.

The crisis socialization of youth by media on a daily basis has induced Nepali youth to succumb to either desperation, or alienation emigration abroad, rebellion or escaping into a kind of media consumerism that tell them nothing of the meanings attributed to what is read. Because of this, a large number of youths have become just apathetic--sitting on the sidelines of national affairs as spectator. The value of alienation and emigration of youth abroad has more to do with personal and family interest than with social and national responsibility The inclination of youth towards consumerism also tends to leave them indifferent to society but more inclined to join the search for more personal identity, wealth and power, able to satisfy all their personal inquisitiveness.

Deprivation of rural youth belonging to the lower economic strata from an equal access to rights, opportunities and outcome for a dignified life contributed, to their withdrawal from creative social participation. It pushed them to leave their place of social origin. The current political crisis has reinforced this tendency, deprived them of recognition, dignity and rights and forced them to move towards unknown destinations. A breakdown of balance in the emotional social and political life has thus pulled bulk of Nepalese youth into agitation, revolt and, at times, irrepressible feelings separating one sets of youths from the other and disabling their collective capacity for national action. Youth can regain the capacity for feeling, towards national life if they are properly informed by the media.

I think Nepalese youths are craving for modernity and contesting the basic values of society that landed them to a phase of national predicament. In this sense- their struggle is emancipatory in nature. It is emancipation from the crude version of power struggle that shuts the youth out and sets a course against their will against their well-being and against their ideals.

Communicative Space: A responsible media can define the national communicative space and create compliance of its youths to civic nationhood. Media frames youth's perception of belonging and a shared future. A responsible media can re-socialize youth for a culture of peace and reshape the development of a civic political culture that is rational, tolerant and humane- But it can also instill false consciousness and instrumentalize them for narrow partisan purpose. Instrumental rationality tends to drown the voice of reason, public opinion and democratic will-formation.

The stimulation of private interest in education continues to generate an intense process of de-politicization of youth distancing them from national obligations. Especially, costly private education has deprived the lower strata of rural youth from their access to quality education and reduced the job prospect of those trained in public schools, colleges and universities. Similarly, bureaucratization of curriculum and the contents of education have hardly assisted youth to address the context of life-world and link their knowledge to practice. Media continues to debunk this gap and contributes to a sort of cynicism and distrust among youth about the legitimacy of political order When youths relate their knowledge to the working context they find a lack of intergenerational justice. Without social justice in all spheres of life, the culture of durable peace cannot be established. Media has a special responsibility to help youths to restore this justice in the private world, civil society, political parties and the state. It can seek to find ways to engage them in the nation's social, economic and political construction as a deliberative public.

The fundamental objective of media is to provide youth--both male and female--a comprehensive knowledge of what they are expected to know about positive national values, about politics arid their role as sovereign citizens. Understanding of constitutional principles and skills is important for the practice of good citizenship and instill their trust in the polity. In this sense, media is expected to inculcate in Nepali youth the duty to exercise their basic rights and underline the importance of political action. A good polity rests on the virtues of its citizens. Genuine democratic virtues foster a political action that is non-violent, accommodative, respectful and sensitive towards the voice and visibility of the weak and powerless 13y respecting peaceful dissent, it can prevent the dehumanization of opposition and nurture a project of common good beneficial to all Nepali citizens. In a situation of violent conflict, media can revive the medium of society's conversation and regenerate Nepali youth's self-confidence

Discourse. What would be the political response to the structural condition of the Nepalese society? How to open the possibilities for youths to fulfill duties towards the nation as citizens and as human beings? How media can promote skill and will power among Nepali youths to fulfill their obligations? What are the incentives for Nepali youth to be integrated into the boundaries of national culture and inspire them to be committed to the ideal of cosmopolitanism?

A genuinely articulated civic practice for youth, media and peace can reconnect all to societal development, prevent the disease of national pessimism and deadlock and build their confidence to enter into a successful path of character building for good citizenship.

I believe, youth requires continuous nourishment and education so that they can become a part of civil peace work and contribute to the building of modern Nepal. A responsible media can help to liquidate the primitive pre-political instincts and transform the identity of Nepali youths into a deliberative Nepali public. A responsible media dedicated to peace is a powerful tool to empower the lives of youth.