Wednesday, May 3, 2006

-Shaukat Aziz, Prime Minister of Pakistan

Our vision for Pakistan is of a strong, democratic, progressive Islamic state that provides peace, prosperity, and security to its people and coexists with its neighbors with peace and amity.

Our country is richly endowed with material and human resources. Over 150 million people of Pakistan are intelligent, industrious and hardworking. Pakistan also enjoys a pivotal position at the crossroads of three vital regions of the world-South Asia, Central Asia and West Asia. It is therefore uniquely positioned to leverage this location as a bridgehead for multi-sectoral cooperation between these regions. This includes corridors of cooperation such as gas pipelines, transportation infrastructure, trade and tourism.

Over the past six years, Pakistan has undergone a qualitative transformation achieved through broad-based multi-sectoral structural reforms. I am confident that history will judge these reforms as the most extensive and intensive.

In the sphere of governance, we have ensured democracy from the grass roots level to the provincial and federal levels with devolution of powers, transparency, and accountability.

In the economic sector, our reforms have been based on the three pillars of deregulation, liberalization and privatization. As a result, our economy is now on a high growth trajectory with 8.4% growth last year, which we expect to sustain in the future. Our industry is expanding; our agriculture is growing, with rising employment and declining poverty. Emergence of a robust and expanding middle class signifies the success of the reforms, dynamism of our economy, and the potential of growth.

In the social sphere, we have focused on empowerment of women and minorities as well as improving the access to as well as the quality of health care and education. We want to build a knowledge-based economy.

Clearly, however, we are not complacent as there is a lot more that needs to be done including implementation of second-generation reforms, maintaining consistency and continuity of policies, increasing productivity and competitiveness, improving security and striving for durable peace in the region.

The critical lesson that we have learnt is about the overriding importance of holistic home grown structural reforms which must be carefully calibrated and implemented in tandem with each other to achieve progress and prosperity. Reforms must have total ownership backed by strong political will and conviction based on a vision and philosophy which has broad participation.

Let me now turn to the challenges and opportunities facing Asia.

In my view, broadly speaking, the future of Asia depends upon the ability of Asian nations to implement necessary structural reforms if they are to maintain their growth and achieve even greater levels of prosperity. When we speak of growth, change is the constant. Failure to change and adapt to the evolving environment can retard our growth.

The history of the Asian continent, which has been the cradle of several civilizations, is marked by the ability of Asian people to adapt to the demands of their environment and times. Over the years, they have demonstrated their remarkable ingenuity for transformation, innovation, and invention. The human resources of Asia are its greatest asset and the promise of its future.

Asia's strength is rooted in both its size and diversity. Its distinct sub-regions---East Asia, Central Asia, South Asia and West Asia ---are arguably the most promising, vibrant, and challenging regions in the world.

China, today, epitomizes Asia's economic transformation, strength and future. East Asia has survived the Asian Crisis and ASEAN has emerged as a driving force for Asian resurgence. Japan's growth is reviving. South Asian reforms and liberalization are transforming the lives of billions of people. Central Asian states are emerging from the shadow of planned economies to better leverage their natural wealth. West Asia with its oil wealth is generating capital surpluses and transforming them into affluent societies.

Notwithstanding the positive aspects of Asia that I have outlined, our Continent also faces several challenges as a result of its complexity and diversity. The four sub-regions of Asia are not uniform in terms of their challenges and opportunities nor in terms of the levels of their development. Each region therefore faces diverse challenges.

I would now like to identify some of these challenges. These are:

Conflicts and disputes: While some countries in Asia are progressing rapidly, others have remained embroiled in internal dissentions or encumbered by disputes, which are consuming their resources. For generations, leaders of countries in South and West Asia have relatively spent far more time and energy addressing conflicts and dispute resolution rather than fully focusing on growth and development. These countries have not, therefore, been able to leverage their full potential and harness their resources for development and have lagged behind others. By comparison, East Asian countries, not encumbered by such limitations, have achieved remarkable progress and prosperity.

Terrorism: International terrorism poses a threat to internal and external security to virtually every Asian country. Dealing with the problem of terrorism can drain the countries resources, limit investment and impede economic growth.

Empowerment, Transparency and Governance: The future success of Asian countries will also depend on their ability to ensure good governance, rule of law, transparency in public policy, empowerment of the people especially women and respect for human rights and fundamental freedom. Reforms cannot proceed without more accountable and inclusive public institutions and good governance. The voice of the people must be heard and heeded to.

Poverty: This is a major impediment for Asia to achieve sustainable growth and become a stronger partner for other regions of the world. While East and West Asia have achieved sufficiently higher levels of income, poverty remains a serious problem in South Asia and in some parts of Central Asia. Relying on foreign assistance alone cannot eradicate poverty.

Demography is both a challenge and an opportunity. The demographic profile of Asia looks very promising with a large share of the population in the working age group and the dependency ratio- relatively low. Aging of the labor force in East Asia is rapid. By contrast South Asia retains a young profile. As the workforce increases, the challenge for Asian countries is to ensure that these new entrants into the workforce are gainfully employed.

Human Resource Development: Human capital is Asia's most valuable asset. Maximization of our human resource potential would be pivotal in generating economic growth.

Maturing Economies: As the economies mature, their growth rate is not as rapid as before. Asian economies with higher level of income will, therefore, require a different approach. This will need a paradigm shift by all stakeholders---the government, the private sector, and the people.

Energy: Energy security will be of vital importance in the future. Asia is one of the world's major producers as well as consumers. Energy needs for developing Asia will grow exponentially. Rising energy costs will obviously slow down growth. Asia will also have to tap all sources of energy for both sustainable growth and clean environment.

Water: Water security will be critical for survival and future growth. The climate change as well as global warming and consequential phenomenon of desertification makes the significance of water security even more pronounced.

Food: Food security for countries with large populations will be essential. Rapidly increasing population levels, which outpace food production, can have not only economic repercussions but also adverse political and social implications for these countries.

Natural Disasters: The disastrous Tsunami in 2004 and the South Asia earthquake in 2005 left a devastating impact of unprecedented scale on Asia with extensive damage to economic assets, infrastructure and social service delivery. They re-emphasized the vulnerability of Asia to natural catastrophes depriving million of their livelihoods. Pandemics such as HIV-AIDS and Bird Flu are looming threats for Asia.

Environmental Degradation: Asia is rich with natural resources, biodiversity, forests and sanctuaries facing the challenge of environmental degradation. We need an effective framework in place to protect and preserve our ecosystem for our future generations to inherit.

Let us see how we can overcome these challenges. In my view, they can be addressed by pursuing a six-point program. This can be a future road map for Asia.

First, settlement of political disputes and -ensuring security and stability at internal as well as external levels are the preconditions for high growth, long-term development and prosperity in the region. Conflicts not only cause suffering for the people but also consume huge resources away from national development. Therefore, the quest for peace and settlement of political disputes must receive the highest attention, as this is the sine qua non for sustainable growth. Our long term objective should be to help less developed countries to maintain stability, narrow the wealth gap, and raise the living standards of our people.

Second, we have to rely more on share of mind business rather than share of muscle such as IT, telecom, and services. Asia must leverage on technological innovations and move up the value chain as mere reliance on manufacturing efficiencies will not be adequate. The key is to strengthen our grass-roots economies, share our experiences and best practices and unlock our vast potential to achieve sustained rapid growth.

Third, our focus should be on more market access and free trade arrangements with the developed world to help us to help ourselves, a pre­requisite for sustained and holistic economic growth and development. In parallel with building on the multilateral and bilateral trade regimes, reducing tariff and non-tariff barriers and promoting investment, we should enhance our mutual trade.

Fourth, Asia needs to evolve an integrated framework for intra­-regional cooperation in strategic areas such as energy, water, food, infrastructure connectivity, environmental protection, and financial sector to face the emerging challenges.

For example, in energy, we should develop intra-regional gas pipelines, invest in upstream industries, and harness alternate sources of energy to ensure secure supplies of energy.

Building partnership to construct large water storages and better water management including improved irrigation practices; less-water consuming crops, more efficient industrial processes, adequate investment and institutional capacity are vital to ensure water security.

Fifth, we must invest in our human capital to provide them appropriate education and skills and healthcare. By doing so, we can increase efficiencies, leverage our competitiveness as well as comparative advantages and create more value. A competitive pool of knowledge workers, innovators and technology drivers as well as reliable network of telecommunication will help Asia to benefit from new sources of growth such as outsourcing, software development and services. It will also help in attracting international capital flow needed to expand productive potential of our economies.

Sixth, economic and social transformation through structural reforms, dynamic private sector, and good governance is crucial for sustainable economic growth and ending poverty. This will not only benefit the less developed countries but also the developed world as the economic and social development of poor countries will reduce global population growth, restrain illegal immigrants, and reduce the threat of terrorism. By reforming our economic and political structures, removing institutional barriers to productive forces, establishing market economies, transparency, empowering women and inclusive development, we can infuse enthusiasm and creativity in our people.

The approach that I have presented before you is definitely within reach. The approach involves reform in multi-dimensional disciplines can be done. For this, the elements of effective statecraft such as security, credible defense, good governance and effective diplomacy have to move in symphony.

To conclude, Ladies and Gentlemen, I am optimistic about the future of Asia. It has the human and natural resources as well as the technological capability to emerge as the engine for growth for the world. Asia also has the potential for becoming the catalyst for a new world order based on peace, equity, and shared prosperity. The economic miracle of East Asia points to that direction. A global order where Asians equally share the benefits of globalization, progress and development will lead to a more Secure world for future generations. With the emergence of an innovative, more progressive and evenly prosperous Asia, the 21" Century could be the Asian Century.

At the heart of the transformation that 1 have proposed is the need for holistic reform. Such reforms must be pursued with courage and foresight. Change is always painful but we will have to endure it for the sake of our future. This will require, in turn, a paradigm shift in our mindset. Asian leaders will have to rise to the task and accept the challenges. Working together with the sense of a shared destiny, we can make such a transition successful. We will then be able to bequeath to our future generations a more secure and more prosperous world.

Speech made by the author at "International Conference on "Asia 2015: Promoting Growth, Ending Poverty" in the United Kingdom on March 6, 2006. Text courtesy: Embassy of Pakistan in Nepal-ed.

Emerging Media Reshape Global Society

DALE PESKIN AND ANDREW NACHISON

The relationship between traditional media and the public is changing, a trend these information professionals call "We Media. "This emergent journalistic process allows the Web's social network to produce, analyze, and disseminate news and information to technologically interconnected publics unbounded by geography.

Dale Peskin and Andrew Nachison are co-director and director of The Media Center in Reston, Virginia. The center is a nonprofit media think tank committed to building a better-informed society in an interconnected world. It is a division of the American Press Institute.

Innovation in information technologies has thrust humankind into an era of democratic media in which almost everyone can have immediate access to news

and information, and become creators and contributors in the journalistic enterprise. As a result, news now moves in unconventional ways with unpredictable consequences.

How does a shared experience of digital media affect what we know and how we know it? How do the creators and keepers of stories behave when anyone can be a journalist, a publisher, or an archivist? What are the implications for our global society?

These questions are at the heart of "We Media," a phrase The Media Center coined four years ago to describe the emerging phenomenon of global access to content from infinite sources, content that empowers participation and civic engagement in the news and information that affect society.

Google is one expression. The Internet search engine, whose mission is no less than to organize the world's information, enables individuals to take control of their worlds. They become empowered to seek and find information that reflects their personal preferences and take action. Individual access to news and information is no longer determined by powerful institutions with the authority or wealth to dominate distribution.

Blogs are another expression. These online journals create and connect individuals and their ideas throughout the world. Sites such as Global Voices [http://www.globalvoicesonline. org] aggregate stories and perspectives from everyday people: citizen storytellers with authentic voices from unique circumstances and cultures. So compelling is their power that Internet sites such as http://www.technorati.com have been created to track more than 25 million blogs-about one-­fourth of the e-journals in the blogosphere.

A third expression is the rise of international satellite channels. The democratization of media has opened the airwaves to cultures everywhere. Using low-cost digital technologies and satellite distribution, more than 70 international channels cross borders to reach the edges of the planet with news for every point of view. The government-funded BBC has created a new kind of British empire, with hundreds of channels and Internet sites, reaching 100 million people worldwide, translated into 43 languages. Al-Jazeera defends media freedom and influences Arab thought in a volatile and turbulent region. Al-Jazeera seeks to expand its influence later in 2006 with the launch of an around-the-clock, English-language newscast.

We Media also encompass the ubiquity of personal media devices, stimulating the most powerful media connection-ward of mouth. At the end of 2005, more than 2 billion people-almost one-third of the world's population-had a cell phone. Nearly 800 million new cell phones are sold each year throughout the world. By

2008, an estimated 600 million people will be able to capture events with sophisticated digital cameras, many as a capability of their cell phones. These devices create a "global content generation" that has the unprecedented power to create, produce, share, and participate in life as it happens. Global networks allow people to post news, thoughts, ideas, and images anywhere, anytime.

What emerges is the most powerful expression of We Media-participation. Everyone is part of the story. Everyone exerts influence.

We Media is marked by the changing relationship between traditional institutions. We Media is a bottom up, emergent process in which little or no editorial oversight or formal journalistic workflow dictates the decisions of a staff: Instead, it is the result of many simultaneous, distributed conversations that either blossom or quickly atrophy in the Web's social network.

The act of a citizen, or group of citizens, playing a role in the process of collecting, reporting, analyzing, and disseminating news and information rivals edited institutions and the journalists who work for them. But the intent may be the same: providing independent, reliable, accurate, wide-ranging, and relevant information that a democracy requires.

Once at the fringes of traditional journalism, We Media has become a phenomenon that cannot be ignored. Communities, businesses, government agencies, pundits, stand-alone journalists, columnists, journalism schools, and, yes, even news organizations, are getting into the act. Projects have sprouted throughout mainstream media. They derive from the surprising experience of Oh My News [ http://english.ahmynews.com/ in South Korea, which organized tens of thousands of citizen reporters in a tech-savvy nation where a single issue often dominates the political discourse. Three years after its launch, Oh My News is credited with toppling a government and eroding the power of Korea's media barons.

The venerable profession of journalism finds itself at a rare moment in history, when for the first time its hegemony as gatekeeper of the news is threatened by new technology and competitors and by the audience it serves. The trends have sparked considerable debate about journalism's key values. Clearly, journalism is in the process of redefining itself, adjusting to disruptive forces. At the center of the debate are the critical issues of control, credibility, and profitability.

Can every citizen be a reporter? Many traditional journalists are dismissive of participatory journalists, particularly bloggers, characterizing them as self interested, unskilled amateurs who don't subscribe to institutional standards of fact checking, fairness, balance, and objectivity. Conversely, many bloggers look upon mainstream media as an arrogant, exclusive club that puts its own version of self-interest and economic survival above the societal responsibility of a free press.

What most traditional journalists fail to understand is that, despite a participant's lack of skill or journalistic training, the Internet itself acts as an editing mechanism. The difference is that editorial judgment is applied at the edges, frequently after the fact, not in advance. In this information ecosystem, citizens rely on each other to report, distribute, and correct a story as it goes. A story is no longer fixed by deadlines or distribution schedules. Rather it is organic, spiraling through multiple forms of media, changing as it goes. The story belongs to no one save the audience.

The fluidity of this approach puts more emphasis on publishing information than filtering. Conversations happen in the community for all to see. In contrast, traditional news organizations are set up to filter information before they publish it. Editors and reporters collaborate, but the debates are not open to public scrutiny or involvement.

The most obvious differences between participatory journalism and traditional journalism are the structures and organizations that produce them. Traditional media are created by hierarchal organizations that are built for commerce. Their business models focus on profits derived from advertising. They value rigorous workflow, profitability, and integrity. Networked communities that value conversation, collaboration, and egalitarianism over profitability create participatory journalism. Participatory journalism does not show evidence of requiring a classically trained journalist to be mediator or facilitator. Many weblogs, forums, and online communities function effectively without one.

Some view digital media's disruption of traditional information consumption and distribution patterns as little more than an economic shakeout reaping short-term havoc on media companies and creating new business opportunities for the next generation of communications giants. Under this scenario, companies like Google, MSN, and Yahoo! displace local newspapers, television, radio, and magazine publishers as the dominant gatekeepers of our media experiences.

But the notion of dominance is obsolete in the connected society. Individuals exert unprecedented power over how and when they access information and with whom they share it. In this sense, digital media is profoundly disruptive to the interests of any institution premised on power and control. What we know, the information we could access, once depended on where we lived. In the connected society of global nomads, our social capital can expand through vast personal networks spanning the globe.

We Media is a force that will soon exceed the influence of institutions that control news and information. It suggests that voice-the authentic, cultural expression of the individual-is resurgent in the craftwork of our media.

Text courtesy: eJournal USA, Global Issues/March 2006. American Center in Kathmandu-ed.

Chakma designs to secede CHT from Bangladesh

-Mohammad Zainul Abedin, Researcher/Journalist, B'desh

Chittagong Hill Tracts, with an area of 5,093 square miles, situated in the southeastern corner of Bangladesh comprises one-tenth territory of the country. It was a subdivision of Chittagong. In 1860 the British government upgraded it as district. In 1989 when all the sub-divisions were declared as district, CHT divided into three districts -- Bandarban, Khagrachari and Rangamati. It has common border with India (412.48km) and Myamar (175.68km). It is only five kilometres off the Bay of Bengal through some points of Cox's Bazar. The region is a part of Bangladesh since the prehistoric age. According to the recorded political history of Bangladesh it was included with the Harikel region of Bengal even during the reign of Maurya dynasty (320BC).

The total number of population of CHT, according to the census of 2001 is 13,25,041. About fifty per cent of the population is Bengali speaking Muslims while the rest are tribals belonging to 13 distinct tribes. These tribes are: Chakma, Marma, Murang, Tripura, Lusai, Khumi, Bhom. Kheeyang, Chak, Pankho, Tanchangya, Chak and Banjogi. CHT tribals are only .45% of the total population of Bangladesh while it contributes only 3% in our GDP.

None of the 13 tribes were the sons of the soil of Bangladesh. They migrated to CHT from the neighboring hilly regions of Myanmar, India and even China. Among the tribes Chakma is in a dominating position in respect of population, education and wealth. The Chakma does not have any acceptable written history. Now a perverted section of the Chakmas being instigated by neighboring India with a design to segregate CHT from Bangladesh. Being majority in population. advanced in education and rich in wealth, comparing to other 12 tribes, the Chakmas unfortunately suffer from an impractical, unlivable and erroneous ambition. They formed this conclusion that if an independent tribal state can be constituted in CHT the Chakmas will be the ordained of the fate and absolute master of the dreamy and imaginary land. Using the name of so­called tribal state, the Chakmas, in fact, designed to establish their own supremacy and superiority over other 12 tribes by expelling the Bcngalees from CHT. But the knowledgeable observers say that India designs to merge it with her to get her access to the Bay of Bengal. With this end in view India surfaced the secessionist movement in CHT using the Chakmas.

If an impartial and in-depth research-based inquiry on the language, original abode and above all their very name (Chakma) is made, it will be revealed that they are, in fact, a rootless nomadic tribe, whose known history started after their arrival in Bangladesh territory. Mr. Biraj Mohan Dewan, a Chakma Intellectual in his book said, "The Chronicle of the Chakma Nation" presenting a 76-paged research ­oriented document opined "it is crystal clear that the Chakmas are not the sons of the soil of CHT". ("The Chronicle of tile Chakma Nation: Biraj Mohan Dewan: New Rangamati: CHT: 1969: p. 94). Chakmas claim that their original homeland is 'Champaknagar'. The description that the Chakma historians produced in their efforts to explore the existence of so-called 'Champaknagar' or 'Champapuri', the controversial abode of the Chakmas, does not possess any historical evidence. In his book Briaj Mohan Dewan claimed that there are at least six places in and outside India named Champaknagar or Champakpuri in North Burma (Shan), ancient Magad (Now Bihar). Kalabaga (Now Assam), Malacca (now Malay sia ). Cochin (India) and on the bank of Shangupu River ( Bhrahmaputra) situated at the foot of Himalavas. But he utterly failed to ascertain which was the real Champaknagar, from where the Chakmas really came or whether the Chakmas were really the inhabitants of any Champaknagar. Ashok Kumar Dewan another Chakma historian, opined. "There are many places in and outside today's India named Champapur or Champaknagar. So there remains confusion regarding this name". (An Investigation into the History of The Chakma Nation: Ashok Kumar Dewan: Khagrachhari: 1991: p. 35). The Chakmas endeavor to prove that their ancestral homeland was Champaknagar or Champapuri as there is a hit similarity between the terms "Chakma" and "Champa" or 'Champaknagar". As the place Champaknagar or Champapuri is very essential and indispensable to establish the mere existence of the Chakmas. the fanciful Chakma intellectuals, finding no other way claim Champaknagar or Champapuri as their original homeland. Biraj Mohan's open admission, "The writers of those notable books that were written on various aborigines and Chakmas recorded from which place Chakmas came and which their original abodes were. But it was not possible on their part to ascertain their (Chakma) real identify firmly" (Biraj Mohan Dewan: ibid: p.3). He categorically accepted: "The Chakmas have no documentary book ........ Even the real name of the nation has been withered away." "There is no documentary history on Chakmas other than some popular legends and folklore". (Devajani Dutta and Anusuya Bose Roy Chowdhury:

The Politics of Chittagong Hill Tracts Border: Calcutta Research Group and South Asia Forum for Human Rights: Calcutta: India: 1996: p. 11.) Ashok Kumar Dewan sincerely acknowledged, "There is no dearth of gossips and chats among the educated Chakmas whether Bijoygiri was an imaginary hero of legend or really a historical personality. (Ashok Kumar Dewan: ibid: p. 35). In the preamble of his book, Mr. Biraj Mohan admitted: "The Chakmas are not the original dwellers of this district (CHT) and they entered Bengal at 14th century having the favor of the Sultan." Another Chakma intellectual admitted that in between 1500 to 1600 A.D., Chakma subjects began to take shelter in inaccessible mountainous region i.e. present day CHT. (C.R. Chakma: The Chakma Nation in the Evolution of Age (middle age): Liluya: Hawra: West Bengal: India: 1988: p. 67). All these statements evidently prove that the Chakma is one of the refugee and sheltered tribes in Bangladesh. The Chakma feudal lords that emerged in CHT, in course of time though were termed as -Raja', continued to pay their allegiance to the Sultans and Subedars of Bengal from generation to generation. The Chakmas never established or tried to establish an independent Chakma state in CHT challenging the control of the rulers of Bengal. They did not dare so, as psychologically they were weak and subservient because they were not the sons of the soil, rather sheltered refuaee conununitv. They were not even independent as good as Isa Kha or other zamindars of the then Bengal who are known in history as 'Baro-Bhuyan.'

We can draw the following conclusion from the above analysis:

•The Chakmas are not the indigenous sons of this soil or Adivasis as they claim, rather they are outsiders and refugees who settled in CHT.

•There is no acceptable impartial documentary history either of their original homeland 'Champaknagar' or their forefather Bojoygiri. Both of these claims are utopian in nature and wishful thinking.

The Chakma kings were merely title-oriented zamindars, but not independent kings. Above all, they were under the control and guidance of the Muslim rulers of Bengal since the Mayura dynasty

•CHT was always a part and parcel of Bangladesh and it was never an independent Chakma state.

Excerpts from the author's book "Human Rights Violations in CHT: Myth and Reality- Text courtesy: the author himself-ed.