Wednesday, May 17, 2006

Achievements in the Supply of Wage Goods to Remote Areas

Dr. Ram Kumar Dahal, T.U.

In order to prove that the political system is committed to the welfare of the people including those living below poverty line even in remote areas-RAs, the monocratic Panchayat polity(1961-1989 attempted to build up infrastructures and organizational networks(e.g. branches, sub branches and regional offices) for the supply of wage goods in those RAs and accordingly a number of corporations, both Government owned and public. Including Nepal Food Corporation, Nepal Oil Corporation, National Trading Limited, Salt Trading Company Limited and, ALC were established These corporations, in most cases, provided basic services to the people in those areas and accordingly supportive laws, rules and regulation and orders were also formed and enacted. The need to supply wage goods even in the remotest parts was at least realized during the panchayat period though the attempts made in this direction were not adequate. As the constitutionally declared welfare state during the Panchayat period was an example of all powerful or active state in nature, it pretended to take total burden to provide effective services and goods to the people including in the remote rural areas. Under agreements with foreign countries and international donor community, the Panchayati state mobilized their financial help and assistance in providing services and basic commodities to the people of RAs.

In the post 1990 period. though Global economic reforms including privatization, liberalization. Marketization and globalization were introduced- the democratically elected governments made several attempts to supply basic commodities including to the people in the RAs. The government has made several attempts to supply food grains and salt to the remote areas (food supply in 30 and salt in 22 districts) of the Himalayan and hill districts at subsidized rate. Similarly. NOC has made kerosene available in those areas. HMG has also made several attempts to provide micro credits in the rural areas to general people. In post 1990 periods, the people living below poverty line and the industrial and agricultural labor in the RAs have become politically- conscious about their HRs and gender awareness has also increased. The NFC has inadequate storage capacity In the post 1990 period. Nepal's trade unions (TUs) have also advocated the concept of descent work according to the standard set and issues raised by the ILO which, among other things. ensures the minimum level standards including the right to work and fixation of minimum wages. The labour unions has also made several attempts to make the labour aware about their Human Rights concerns.

Effective supply of Wage goods to RAs: Issues problems and challenges

The failure of the government to effectively provide -goods and services particularly to the wage groups in the RAs in time and in needed quality and quantity has created a number of problems and challenges. Attempts have been made here to identify some of the key issues and challenges in this sector. The problems and challenges in the supply of food, kerosene and salt are also different depending on their nature. In this context, it would be appropriate to deal these problems separately.

Nepal's food problems at present. particularly in the Himalayan and Hill districts are problems of both of production and distribution and these regions constitute chronic deficits in foods in every year in every respect. Nepal has also experienced serious droughts in different periods in the past and the existing transportation networks are inadequate and unfavorable (due to Maoists insurgency) to the movement of surplus food grains from tile food surplus areas of Terai to food deficit areas. Due to the impractical policies of the government and factors including corruption, large quantities of rice and paddy are exported to India from the plains of Terai at cheap rates. The food production. if not rose proportionally at the rate of the rising rate of population growth (2.7%) would create a severe problem in the field of food security. Moreover, the rise in the prices of food grains (particularly in the post 1995 days when the Maoists have captured the agricultural lands and compelled the land owners to leave the village virtually leaving the land uncultivated for years have added some more problems in this direction. While transporting food grains to the food deficit areas, the NFC faces problems in every sector including in the purchasing of food grains, their 'collection, management, storage, quality control, transportation, supply and distribution. Under the current situation, the NFC has failed to maintain the provisions of emergency food security due to many reasons, though the corporation has the target to do that in near future if the situation becomes favorable to it. The storage capacity of the NFC seems inadequate in the Himalayan and Hill districts particularly keeping in view the food deficit situation in those districts. The godown capacity in the Himalayan district of Solukhumbu is 50 metric ton, Dolakha 50 metric ton, Rasuwa 50 metric ton, Mustang 100 metric ton, Dolpa 150 metric ton, Mugu 150, Humla 150, though districts like Sankhuwasabha 250, Lamjung 250, Gorkha 250, Taplejung 380 and Sindhupalchowk 500 have better position than the above mentioned districts. As some of these godowns are in worst conditions, the NFC often faces problems in storing the food grains for a longer duration. The emergency and additional storage OF FOOD grains as part of food security, THUS, sometimes become difficult in most of the Himalayan districts except a very few. The NFC in post 1995 period has also failed to transport the food grains to concerned areas according to the fixed quota due to a number of reasons including the lack of demand of food grains, lack of air transportation or airlift facilities, supply of food grains through land transportation becomes difficult due to the Maoists (e.g. they are looted by them in course of land transportation); the contractors not ready to come in contact agreement with the NFC regarding the transportation of the food grains (due to the possibility of looting by the Maoists). The government has not been in a position to transport the quota food grains to Sindhuli (since FY 2059/60), Macchi of Pyuthan (since FY 2061/62) and Purchaudihaat of Baitadi (since FY 2059/60).

As HMG has undertaken a policy of withdrawing its activities of supplying foods to those districts which is connected with transportation networks and other infrastructures, the NFC has now reduced its activities from 55 Hill and Himalayan districts to 30 districts only. The officials who were recruited to run district offices of NFC in 55 districts have to be concentrated in 30 districts (excluding, central office in Kathmandu), thus, causing a problem of overstaffing and creating a severe economic burden to the corporation. Under current situation, in order to meet even the administrative expenses, the NFC has to take 12-I3 crore loan every year from commercial banks.Out of total 50 crore overdraft taken from NBL, 30 crore has already been spent. The yearly deficit of the NFC is approximately 5-6 crores and has also failed to pay 22 crore to be submitted as counter parts fund (CPF) on the sale of Japanese food grains. After the destruction of the modern Rajapur Rice Mill by the Maoists, the NFC has suffered a financial loss of nearly 3 crore. According to the policies of the HMG and the established practices within the NFC, the food grains, keeping in view the security situation of the nation, have been transported to targeted districts through the land and air transportation according to the situation of the district. The aircraft is the only option in the five districts of Himalayan zone of Karnali and currently. the additional supply of food grains to Bajhang, Bajura, Khotang, Okhaldhunga and Bhojpur (where there exist land transportation networks but due to Maoist factor, it has become much risky in transporting the food grains through land route and. thus, is to be lifted through air). By the Air lifting factor which have added extra economic burden to the NFC/ the government. As these food grains are often looted by the Maoists in some places (on the way or from the godown), it seriously affects the interests of the rural poor living below poverty line in the remotest parts of the country. Like in food supplies, salt and kerosene dealings have also more or less the same type of problems.

A number of economic factors including extreme poverty and slow economic progress in Himalayan and Hill regions are also responsible for inadequate, low ° quality and untimely supply of wage goods to RAs . In this context. the gradual reduction of poverty of these groups in these regions and encouragement to Income generation measures are essential. The income of the wage goods Could be raised if their real economic needs and challenges are identified and addressed accordingly As most of the Himalayan and Hill districts, as outlined by ICIMOD/CBS/SNV (2004) ), are deprived, weak or poor in every respect-development indicators, and socio-economic infrastructures,(e.g. education. health facilities. empowerment and gender sensitization. social overhead facilities.),special plans ,policies, programs and strategies are essential to develop them. It is difficult to generate the income level of wage groups and gradually reduce poverty without addressing their various dimensions of poverty, deprivation, backwardness and exploitation.

To develop these backward regions, the increase in agriculture productivity and development of banking habits among the rural people in those areas is essential. The inadequacies of banking institutions particularly in the post 1995 period have created further challenges in saving habits of the rural poor. The development budget expenditure per person in the remote districts according to ICI IMOD/CBS/SNV (2004:90-91) is very low ranging from NRs 620 to 4796 in comparison to other developed 25 and medium 25 districts of Nepal. The inadequate forest user groups, health facilities, and cooperative societies, economic infrastructures, transportation network are other challenges in these regions. The lack of total devolution of power to the locally elected bodies is another important challenge in this direction.

Excerpts from a NEFAS/FES paper presented by the author-ed.

Redressing Dalit Women’s Exclusion: An Imperative Agenda for the New Constitution

Ramu Bishwakarma and Babita Shrestha, Arkansas, USA

Once again, Nepal’s future is in the hands of its people. This democratic result came at the cost of the lives of more than two dozen Nepalese and took a sizeable chunk from this small country’s economy. Nevertheless, the Nepalese peoples’ aspirations have, once again, escalated with the hope of peace and better future.

The alliance of seven political parties and Maoists has already registered and approved the constitutional assembly as the prime agenda of the newly appointed government. Ascension of the constitutional assembly to the governmental agenda is certainly a critical step towards the peace the Nepalese people so desire.

The new constitution emerging from this assembly will determine the fate of the country. As such, there are a number of legislative and administrative changes necessary to safeguard the constitution—and therefore, the Nepalese people—from authoritarian efforts now or in the future. In addition, the new constitutional provisions should be written with an understanding of the root causes of Nepal’s social and economic turmoil. Only with this insight, the new constitution will represent a realistic framework in which appropriate policies can be matched with appropriate needs or issues.

Inequality, injustice, and oppression are the roots of social, economic, and political disorders/violence. Intersecting cultural/religious institutions—here, caste and gender—are the major ingredients in both the creation and maintenance of inequality, injustice and oppression. Addressing these institutions directly through the constitution is critical to ensure equity and justice, the pre-conditions for peace and prosperity. In addition, these efforts will pave the way for Nepal to become a pluralistic society in which human rights will be protected.

Such a society is possible only when women and girls, comprising more than fifty percent of the country’s total population, are included in the development equation. Specifically, at this critical time, it is important to identify the country’s most isolated population, and remove them from their isolated social position.

In Nepal, almost two million Dalit women constitute the most oppressed population. Although Dalit men, women (of all social groups), indigenous people, and people with special abilities are considered disadvantaged or marginalized people, in reality, they are in a better social location than Dalit women/girls. The primary reason for this designation is that Dalit women, unlike others, are located at the intersection of two traditionally constructed institutional power relations of caste and gender.

The new constitution must address all marginalized groups in order to ensure their inclusion in, rather than exclusion from, the society. Like other marginalized groups, Dalit women must be protected by the constitution. Importantly, for this to become the case, the Dalit women must not be subsumed under the other groups, such as Dalits or women in general. When Dalit women are subsumed under either of the two groups, we loose the ability to see the important differences within such constructed groups. Specifically, the significant differences between Dalit men and Dalit women, or between Dalit women and Brahmin women are lost, when Dalit women are subsumed under these broad terms. When this happens, policies may actually work against the most oppressed populations, instead of working for them. For example, previous Nepalese governmental policies that were designed to uplift marginalized or disadvantaged groups did not specifically focus on Dalit women. As a result, they had the opposite effect for Dalit women by maintaining their social exclusion.

Girls/women play a vital social and economic role both in and outside the household. If properly recognized and utilized, their specific qualities such as tolerance, caring and intelligence could change communal integrity and cohesiveness critical to establishing collective development efforts. Therefore, girls/women’s empowerment can act as catalyst in community development activities.

Despite such importance, no specific initiative or policy has been designed to address issues specific to Dalit women. As a consequence, Dalit women’s status remains at the bottom as compared to social groups, including Dalit men, as measured by all socio-economic indicators. For example, the overall literacy rate of Dalit women is only 24%, as opposed to 35% of Dalit men and 65% of non-Dalits. Statistics also show that there are still less than three dozen Dalit women who have graduated with bachelor degrees. Dalit women do not participate in government through administrative or legislative power positions. Many Dalit women work as daily agricultural laborers earning on average 78 Rupees per day, while Dalit and non-Dalit men earn 96 and 111 Rupees per day respectively. Perhaps not surprisingly, Dalit women make up 80% of the poorest population of the country.

The state must intervene to improve Dalit women’s situation by acknowledging their long suffered pain of social injustice and exclusion. Dalit women’s socio-economic upliftment will automatically decrease the poverty rate of the country. For this reason, the barriers for Dalit women created by caste and gender must be eliminated. This will be possible when both of these intersecting institutions of discrimination are addressed strictly and simultaneously. And this initiative must arise from and be supported by the language of the new constitution.

The existing constitution poses several biases and corresponding policies/programs to women and caste groups. However, Dalit women are not represented or recognized at all in this constitution. Moreover, there are no acts, laws, or plans existing to address issues specific to Dalit women. In both the Ninth and Tenth Development Plans, policies and programs earmarked for women suffered from the over-inclusion of “gender,” as a result they underplayed the “caste” inequality that Dalit women face. As a result, women from the dominant castes were able to reap the benefits of such programs. On the other hand, some policies and programs developed to address the issues specific to the Dalits suffered from the under-inclusion of “gender.” That is, they did not recognize the fact that Dalit women face different challenges than Dalit men. As a result, the few programs directed at the Dalits actually helped Dalit men, not Dalit women.

While the new constitution is under construction, it is critical for leaders to realize that peace and prosperity in Nepal is only possible if equity and justice is available to all populations. Providing equity and justice to Dalit women is absolutely critical to move Nepal forward. Securing justice for these groups by dismantling caste and gender within the constitution will not only lead to the emancipation of two million Dalit women, but also tremendously support the upliftment of the Dalit community in particular, and Nepal in general.

Received via electronic mail-ed.

Oldest Scripture of Changunarayan

-Rajeev Dangol, Nepal

Out of many heritage monuments listed in UNESCO World Heritage Sites the Changunarayan Temple is one. The astonishing fact of this temple is that it is housed by a beheaded statue of Lord Narayan (Bishnu). The name Changu Narayan has been adapted from the Newari words Cha, gu and Narayan, meaning the chopped Narayan.

Changunarayan temple is not only sacred for religious rituals but also holds integrity in terms of archeology and cultural aspects. This can be a perfect tourist destination if we could promote it as a historical site rather than a religious one.

In Nepal, no oldest scripture than the one in Changunarayan has been discovered which dates back to the time of King Mandev of Lichhavi period.

This giant scripture carved in a pillar is said to be the oldest of all the scriptures found in Nepal, proving Changunarayan to be the oldest temple in the valley. It is believed to have been built by King Hari Dutta Verma around third century BC. Scriptures have been the only evidence to know about the historical monuments, their archaeological significance and lifestyles and cultural background. They also signify a remark left by the kings and sophisticates of the past as their notes of deeds for the future generations to conceive. The scripture at Changunarayan was also called a Garudastambha in local terminology. Once on top of the scripture pillar was a huge sitting statue of Garuda, which unfortunately sits beside now as a result of a severe earthquake.

The scripture is in ancient Bhramha script in Sanskrit and was placed in 464 AD by Lichhavi King Mandev. The scripture does not only hold a historical significance but also a belief of the past. In the scripture King Mandev has mentioned of his great grand father Brikhdev as a graceful, kind and beloved king. Again he also has mentioned of his grandfather Shankardev in the scripture. It is further revealed that King Mandev places the scripture with the permission of his mother Rajyawati. The scripture gives a glimpse of love and respect of Mandev towards their parents and ancestors. The scriptures also help the archeologists and cultural experts to understand the social status, lifestyle and cultures during the regime of Mandev. The Garudhstambha on the other hand gives a clue of the existence of the system of Sati Pratha at the time that wasn't made compulsory. The fact that queen Rajyawati was still alive even after the death of King Dharmadev is further a proof to it. The Garudastambha was discovered by the renowned scholar and archeologist from Gujrat Dr. Bhagwan Lal Indraji and later adapted by the historians here.

"Changunarayan temple has always been a place of my interest to study. Many people have not noticed the rare sculptures in Changunarayan. The two of such sculptures are the Chinnamasta Devi and Bhimsen in Changunarayan. The Chinnamasta Devi ( This temple lies close to a terai town Rajbiraj-ed) also has no head like Changunarayan and the uniqueness of Bhimsen statue at Changunarayan is that it is the only statue that portrays Bhimsen with four hands, in the whole of Nepal," informs Hari Ram Joshi, a cultural expert.

The pagoda-styled temple of Changunarayan still displays the extraordinary wood carvings, architectural expertise and interior skills of the Nepalese craftsmanship of the past. That isn't all, the premises of Changunarayan is full of many surprises. The statues of Hindu deities as old as 1400 years are still in its best form in the premises, which are another attractions for the scholars and tourists. The statues include that of Lord Bishnu at Biswarup, Narsimha Statue (half human and half lion), Bali Raja, Kileshwor Mahadev, Bishnu Bikranta etc. The Narsimha statue that stands left to the Changu temple is believed to be 700 years old. The fine work done in the statue is all enough to detail the whole story of the Narsimha, a half human and half lion deity, an embodiment taken by Lord Bishnu for killing of demon Hiranyakashap.

The most beautiful and precious statue is the Biswarup statue of Lord Bishnu. Regarded as one of the best statues of Nepal. It is said to have been built in 7th century. The statue depicts Lord Bishnu in His most glorified form for convincing Arjuna to go for war against Kaurabs. Several futile attempts were made in the past to steal this statue.

Ironically, the place of such a magnitude has no proper security measures at present. The priest of the temple is the only responsible person to look after the entire property of Changunarayan. "I have asked several times for the deployment of some security men in the premises which has been highly ignored. In fact, many of the sculptures have already been stolen from here. There was a silver statue of Kileshwor Mahadev, which was stolen and later replaced with a copper one," says the priest.

Although the site has been inscribed in UNESCO World Heritage Monument list, it has not been receiving as many tourists as it should. There are around 132 houses in the area with the majority of Newar community depending highly on farming. "There is no alternative occupation for us. Some people have switched to arts, crafts and carvings, others leave the place and work in urban areas for living," tells Asha Kaji, a villager.

In fact Changunarayan is very popular amongst tourists for its extraordinary features and architectural excellence and was filled with year round activities. There are several crafts, thankas and souvenir shops in the area.

However, the temple such as Changunarayan has many more to offer the tourists and can be made an excellent cultural tourist destination.

Text courtesy: The NTTR March/April 2006 issue-ed.

The Nepalese glory that we have had in the past: A true story
The Legendary Great Defender Of Nepal: Bhakti Thapa

Sino-Nepal War

Bhakti Thapa joined the unification campaign in 1789 at a time when further advance of the Nepalese force to the west was completely blocked for more than two years by then powerful kingdom of Jumla. It is said that Jumla had collected an army of twenty-two thousand men to face the Gorkhalis, a force far superior to anything the Gorkhalis could put in the field at that time In the first major military operation itself Bhakti Thapa had demonstrated his exceptionally brilliant skill in launching a very successful operation under the most adverse condition that was sure to astonish anyone. He changed the strategy of the predecessors and led an attack on Jumla from the difficult north route. The result was a swift victory and the life of many people was also saved.

Within a very short period of just two years from 1789 to 1791 the western boundary of the Great Nepal had extended nearly as far as the Sutlez River (now India). Bhakti Thapa had played crucial role in such rapid expansion of the Great Nepal. At that very time Nepal was attacked by China from the north. During that period China was ruled by the most powerful Emperor Chiang Lung of the Manchu Dynasty.

Among the Manchu emperors Kang Hu Shi and Chiang Lung are considered to be the most influential. Emperor Kang Hu Shi ruled China from 1661 to 1722. He was contemporary with the Louis XIV of France, Peter the Great of Russia and Aurangazeb of India. Similarly, Emperor Chiang Lung ruled from 1736 to 1796. During his reign countries like Burma, Korea were under the influence of China.

Nepal in Great Danger

Chinese invasion was directed straight towards Kathmandu . The main attack was centered on Kyrung which is almost to the north of the Kathmandu valley The Chinese attack was anticipated well in advance. As a result, Nepal had withdrawn most of its troops and commanders from the west to defend the capital Kathmandu against the Chinese invasion. It was the most critical period in the history of the newly born Great Nepal.

The existence of the Great Nepal was in great danger. The country was under the threat of falling apart. In many areas the rulers of the old regimes, who were disgruntled at the creation of the Great Nepal, had begun to stir up unrest. According to sainikitihasof Nepal Bhakti Thapa stationed in Kumaun virtually single handedly succeeded in quelling the unrest fomented by the rulers of the old regime in the vast western regions which were very recently merged into the Great Nepal despite the fact that he was made supreme commander and administrator of the vast territory stretching from Chepe-Marshyangdi to almost Sutlez River only in 1794. . The sainikitihas describes that Bhakti Thapa was constantly on a move from one end of this vast region to the other end to prevent the Great Nepal from falling apart.

Nepal and China realized that it would not be in the interest of either of the countries to prolong the war. A compromise solution was found to resolve the disputes that led to outbreak of the war. The fighting ended. According to L. Stiller there was no real winner. Immediately after the signing of peace treaty with China, Bhakti Thapa headquartered in Kumaun (now India) became the governor and chief commander of the whole region from the Chepe-Marshyangdi to almost the Sutlez River (in India).

Britain Suspicious About Nepal 's Motives Chinese invasion must have come as a terrible shock to newly emerged Great Nepal. Government in Kathmandu must have got into a panic. At that time Nepal prayed to British India for help to mediate between Nepal and China . But Britain virtually turned a deaf ear. The process of expansion of the Great Nepal was too rapid. It was natural for the British Government to be greatly alarmed. So British rulers might not have in reality any intention of helping Nepal. We can draw such conclusion from the circumstances surrounding the visit of the Kirkpatrick to Kathmandu in 1793. British governor general in India had agreed to send Kirkpatrick to mediate in Nepal- China dispute. Kirkpatrick did not even set out for Nepal until after the war had been successfully terminated by the Nepal-China agreement. The governor general was requested not to send Kirkpatrick since the war had been amicably concluded. Surprisingly the governor general was seen adamant on sending a man to Kathmandu . So Kirkpatrick visited Kathmandu for no specific official purpose. The intention of Kirkpatrick's visit could hardly be anything else but to watch closely Nepal's speedy preparation for the next phase of the unification campaign that had officially led to the emergence of Bhakti Thapa as its head.

During the visit Kirkpatrick found that Nepal was trying to reinvigorate the attack in the west. The circumstances under which the visit of the Kirkpatrick to Kathmandu took place clearly shows that the British rulers in India were all the time watching Nepal with great suspicion. At that time British rulers in India were adopting every possible method to enlarge the territory under their control. The way new territories were brought under the British control and ruled had provoked even the British public. British Parliament had gone completely against it.
Anglo-Nepal War The process of expansion of the Great Nepal had spread like wild fire across the Himalayan region. So it was natural for the British to be greatly alarmed. The Great Nepal was seen all along as a threat to British rule in India till the end of Anglo- Nepal War of 1814-16.

The British actively began preparation for the war from the time when F.R. Hastings- Earl of Moira landed in India as Governor General and Commander-in- Chief in 1813. The actual declaration of war against Nepal is recorded as 1 November, 1814, though the war began from middle of October. The decision to declare war had been made six months earlier so the territorial dispute appears to be only a pretext. British force had marched into Nepal across a frontier of more than 1500 km to attack at several points at the same time The eastern British flank was moving north from the Teesta area whereas the farthermost western flank from the Sutlej river area. It was virtually a modern type warfare extended over a period of three calendar years and necessitating to protect the entire region bordering the enemy held territory. The British invasion force, in comparison with Nepalese, had absolute superiority in cavalry, pioneers, and at least the superiority of 10 times in infantry and 100 times in artillery. They also had the advantage of maneuverability in movement In early months of the war the initial British invasion was completely beaten off. British offensive ended in complete failure. Nepalese force stationed within the shelter of the fortress were not only able to defend their position against an invading enemy many times superior in strength but they even shocked them by their dreadful counteroffensive that used to be accompanied by big losses on British side. The British rule in India was at a risk of falling apart.

Unfortunately at that time the Sikhs and Marathas did not join Nepal in liberating the whole of the South Asian Continent from the grip of the European domination After the initial defeats the British changed their strategy to avoid their casualties. They started to deploy long range guns to level our fortifications. This strategy paid off. The British were able to advance quickly into the territory under our control. They even used elephants to carry heavy guns across the mountains So the ability of the Nepalese force to defend the territory under their control was steadily declining. They were forced to pull back. There was breakdown in control and command system. Towards the middle of the 1815 Amar Singh Thapa, chief of the Nepalese force fighting in the western front was confined within a small area of the Malaun fort. The fate of Nepal was going to be in the hand of the Governor General Lord Hastings, unashamedly imperialistic and who became famous for having established the British Empire in India more firmly than before. At that time there could not be any room for doubt in his intention either to eliminate Nepal completely and bring it under the British rule or to turn it into a vassal state like so many other states under that category in British India. He could be forced not to take any such decision detrimental to the honour of Nepal only if he perceived that such action could pose serious threat to the continuance of British rule in India. The Deothal Battle could not be anything else but a clear message of threat on behalf of Nepalese people to the British warning them not to take lightly the determination of Nepalese people to protect the honour of their country.

Prelude to Deothal Battle Towards the sunset of the April 15 th evening Bhakti Thapa and the army units under him arrived at the Malaun fort from their station at Surajgarh without being noticed by the British army units scattered around the Malaun fortress. The subsequent events help to explain that he might have come to persuade Amar Singh Thapa on behalf of all the brave commanders prepared to sacrifice their life for the country to pursue more aggressive methods to deter the enemy from overrunning the motherland. He might have even advised him to pull back from the Maluan to regroup the army units spread all across the Garwal and Kumaun to go to a completely new type of offensive.

The Battle

The following day in the morning Bhakti Thapa at the age of 74 led a most daring counterattack against the British force entrenched at Deothal. Historians have presented the description of this battle at great length. It was 3.15 a.m. when a force of just about 400 under Bhakti Thapa marched out of the Malaun fort, to a slow but steady beat of a drum. The British column under Thompson had taken position at Deothal on reverse slopes. The cannons of 6 pounders were properly concealed. There were two Indian battalions, the Grenadiers companies of the Light Battalions and some 1000 Irregulars. The British strength was up to about 3,500 troops and weapons.

Bhakti Thapa and his followers in the counterattack appeared to have vowed to fight to the death. Bhakti Thapa had even handed his infant grandson in the custody of the Amar Singh Thapa just before going to the battlefield. Bhakti Thapa laid down his life in the battlefield. Every one who fought from the Nepalese side was either killed or wounded.

Needless to say that the British commanders were thoroughly shaken by the bravery of Bhakti Thapa in the Deothal Battle. Bhakti Thapa became a legend even in the eyes of British historians. One of the historians CB Khanduri writes quoting various contemporary British historians " The euphemism of the BRAVEST OF THE BRAVES had been used by Napoleon for Marshal Ney, whose bravery during the retreat from Moscow in 1812 was one of the highest. BRAVE LES BRAVE, said Napoleon of him. British then used this citation for the Gurkhas during and after the Anglo-Nepal War. Such was the bravery shown by Bhakti Thapa that the next legend of the Bravest of the Braves had been created on the day - 16 April, 1815 at Deothal."

The Great Defender of Nepal

" Until there was life in the body of Bhakti Thapa Nepal 's territory was in a state of great expansion. Soon after his death the Great Nepal crumbled." This is an excerpt from the sainikitihas which is based on the book " Vikramjit Hasrat, History of Nepal (Punjab: V. V. Research Institute, 1970)".

(Thapa writes on History. This article we received via email-ed).)