Wednesday, September 20, 2006

Dr Ali A. Mazrui, State University of New York , USA

Conclusion

Huntington may be in the process of being partially vindicated for his controversial 1993 prediction. A new clash of civilizations may be unfolding between the United States and some of its allies, on one side, and, on the other side, a substantial body of Muslim opinion across the world. Under the U.S. administration of Bush, this clash of civilizations may even be drifting towards increasing militarization. But Huntington was wrong in suggesting that a clash of civilizations involving the West was something new. On the contrary, the West has been declaring war on other civilisations for the last four hundred years. In the Americas and ( Australasia ) there was the First-Phase of Genocidal Clash of Civilisations when new European conquerors and settlers annihilated native civilisations and destroyed millions of indigenous lives.

There followed the Second Phase of Enslaving Clash of Civilisations when millions of Africans were captured and exported as slaves to the plantations of the Americas and the Caribbean . This period overlapped with the Third Phase of the Imperial Clash of Civilisations when the West conquered and colonized much of the rest of the world, flying European flags of conquest from Jakarta to Jamaica , from Lahore to Lusaka and from Malta to Mozambique . The Fourth Phase of Clash of Civilisations is the age of the United States as an Empire, especially since the country became the sole superpower. The United States is an informal empire, controlling millions of people abroad through economic inducements and economic threats, diplomatic pressure and State manipulation, the power of trade and the lure of aid, promises of military security and threats of destabilization, the pervasive use of the technology of espionage and control, and the domination of such global institutions as the United Nations, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the World Trade Organization. As an Empire, the United States also exempts itself from global rules which it does not like — such as the Kyoto Protocols on the environment and the new International Court for war crimes and crimes against humanity.

The first genocidal phase of civilisational conflict (mainly against ancient native civilisations of the Americas ) was not formally ended. It just petered out. In some parts of the Americas , it may still be continuing in the form of the brutalization of rural Indians. The second slavery phase of civilisational conflict (mainly at the expense of enslaved Africans) was gradually ended as a result of abolitionist movements in Europe and the Americas , and following a civil war in the United States . The third imperial and colonial phase of civilisational conflict (at the expense of much of Latin America , Africa , Asia and many islands of the sea) took centuries to bring to a close. The last of the great European empires came to an end in the twentieth century except for such small pockets as the Falklands , Gibraltar , some British West Indian dependencies, and Portuguese Macao on the China Coast .

How do we end the fourth hegemonic phase of clash of civilisations — the phase of the United States as an informal Empire, especially since it became the sole Superpower? Here, there are three vital strategies. One is the promotion of greater autonomy from the United States and greater self- reliance in those countries which have come to lean too heavily on America as a market, or as a source of foreign aid, or as an umbrella of military security, or as a customer for their goods. For example, Egypt needs to be weaned away from too much reliance on annual foreign aid from the United States ; and Saudi Arabia and Kuwait should learn to lean less heavily on Washington for military security. Another strategy against excessive American imperialism is to make the United States pay a price for its abuse of power. The extreme case of this is trying to make Americans feel unsafe anywhere in the world. The third solution to the imperial role of the United States as the sole superpower may have to lie within the United States itself. Although the country has indeed become an Empire, it is still a democracy. The ultimate check upon America as an empire is America as a democracy. It is to be hoped that the internal demographic changes will be eventually be reflected on the political process and in policy choices. The population of the United States is on its way towards becoming more clearly multi-racial, multi religious, multi-ethnic and to a limited extent multi-lingual. Other parts of the world have- through patterns of immigration — been counter-penetrating America as a society, but many have not yet counter-penetrated America as a citadel power.

The supreme examples of minorities successful in shaping the policies of the United States are Cuban-Americans, on one side, and Jewish- Americans, on the other. Cuban Americans have tended to be a lobby for a single-issue — American policy towards Cuba . The Cuban immigrants have held that policy hostage for more than forty years. The achievement of Jewish- Americans is more wide-ranging and more pervasive. Although Jewish Americans have indeed been crucial in determining the United States ’ policy towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, American Jews have been major participants in other sectors of American life as well. As we have indicated, Jews have been staggeringly successful not only politically in America , but also economically, educationally and culturally. Jews are the supreme example and ideal model of an American minority that has successfully used the American system to its full advantage. If African-Americans, Muslim Americans, Arab Americans, Latinos and women of all races became half as successful as the Jews in influencing directions of American policy, their effect would probably be towards liberalizing the foreign policy of the United States . At the moment, America is torn between a domestic philosophy based on rights and a foreign policy based on might. Demographic changes in the United States may tilt the balance towards a better and more humane equilibrium.

Yes, a fourth clash of civilisations has indeed begun, with the United States at the centre of it. But the seeds of redemption may also lie in America . Those seeds are carried by emerging populations potentially more responsive to other cultures and civilisations than the contemporary US power-elites seem to be. The imperial tunnel is still dark — but the light of a more inclusive Americana democracy can be seen at the end of this tunnel. Concluded.

Women in Local Governance:
The South Asian Experience

Damyanty Sridharan, Senior Advisor, FES New Delhi Office

The South Asian Region is unique in many ways. A shared sub continental history, commonalities with reference to religion, culture, economic and political structures as also the patriarchal structures have all had an impact on the countries in the region. The post colonial and post independence period in politics benefited from new constitutions derived from democratic principles of the twentieth century. Thus, gender equality has been incorporated as an integral part of the principles of governance in the region at least in their respective constitutions though not still in practice. Some progressive measures merit special mention. Suffrage for women in the region came along with independence and some South Asian countries included franchise for women even before the concept was accepted in some western democracies. In four of the seven countries in the region women have occupied the highest office in the country. In 1995, during the Be Conference, three countries in the region had women at the helm. The following write up looks at the situation regarding women in local governance in the region.

South Asia seems to be quite a torch bearer when one looks at the situation of women in local governance. In Bangladesh the Pourshava and City Corporation Ordinance reserves one-third of the total seats for women at the local level. Similarly in India , 33 per cent of seats in all local bodies are reserved for women. In Nepal , the Local Governance Act reserves 20 per cent of seats for women. In Pakistan , the devolution of power plan reserves 33 per cent of seats for women at the local level. Even in Sri Lanka , though legislation is pending, the cabinet has approved in principle the reservation of one-third seats in local bodies for women. Thus, in local bodies, a critical mass of women has entered the political arena. This situation is still very nascent. The presently effective legislations in all countries of the region have come only in the 1990s and in Sri Lanka it is still awaited.

Having legislation is one thing and how things are practiced at the ground level is another. Even after the women are elect ed to the local bodies they do not get the decision-making powers automatically. In Nepal the term of those elected in 1997 has expired. Due to internal strife new elections are yet to take place and so currently there is no functioning local self-government institution in Nepal . In Sri Lanka a cabinet sub- committee has to still suggest amendments to laws and modalities for its implementation. In other countries of the region devolution of financial powers is still not a reality in many cases. In Bangladesh , although there is a quota for women they are not directly elected. Thus, though the situation at the local level is quantitatively better for women it also brings out the pitfalls and challenges that confront women even when they access the position.

In the South Asian Region, it is necessary to acknowledge that political participation is being attempted in a social environment which is patriarchal and restrictive for women. In Pakistan ’s North West Frontier Province religious edicts were issued from mosques that women’s participation in elections was against Islamic law. In fact in this region women did not even figure in the voters lists. Similar edicts were issued in the state of Uttar Pradesh in India . Admittedly these examples are not all pervasive. However, they show that such conflicts in the personal and public domain will continue to resurface till gender equality is not addressed in all spheres-economic, social, religious and political. More specific to politics — functioning of political parties, lack of resources, criminalization of politics and structural factors have been identified as major deterrents for women.

Deterrents to participation

Women’s participation in party hierarchies is very limited in the region despite the fact that most political parties in the region have their own women’s wings. The role of women’s wings has mainly been to mobilize women voters during elections. In the decision-making bodies in the parties across ideologies—no party in any of the countries has given more than 10 per cent membership to women in executive bodies. Interestingly most political parties do not even keep gender disaggregated data records of their membership. This makes it difficult to assess the political efforts of women within parties. It also lessens their chances to be nominated as election candidates . Criminalisation of politics is another significant factor due to which women refrain from entering politics. The open use of muscle and money power marks the electioneering process at all levels of politics. Malicious propaganda, threats to life and violence often act as deterrents. Another constraint faced by aspiring women politicians is lack of finances. This is true in all the countries of the region as they face the common constraint of earning less, and owning fewer assets as compared to men. Women are dependent on men for financing their political campaigns. Political par ties also prefer to have male candidates who have their own sources for campaigning.

Supportive factors

Although it is important to recognize the obstacles faced by women in politics, it is equally important to recognize the supportive factors. The quotas at local level have brought in a large pool of women- from which an effective leadership is emerging. Their physical presence in the councils in large numbers across the region has shattered the age old myth that women are not avail able or willing to enter politics. The women’s movement, civil society organizations, advocacy and networking have all proved to be supportive for women’s quest for political empowerment. All the countries in the region have a vibrant civil society. The number of Non Governmental Organizations in these countries may be amongst the highest in the world. Civil society initiatives have helped in mobilizing women and have created awareness on a range of issues impinging on gender equality. These have also helped in strengthening the women’s movement in these countries. Once the quotas became a reality at the local level, many NGOs have provided training to elected women and helped in bringing forth their innate potential. Issue-based lobbying and pressure have also brought in many measures which directly and indirectly help women by pressing for review and reform of laws discriminating against women. These relate mainly to violence against women, dowry, inheritance laws, sexual harassment, right to information, etc. At times laws and acts which seem to have the same impact on women and men, in practice have a different effect on women. In India the no-confidence motions and the two-child norm which was part of some States Acts on Local Governance are two such instances. Both these provisions made it easier to dislodge women members as compared to men. Subsequent efforts by various groups to lobby against these did lead to changes.

The way ahead

In the past decade, especially after the Beijing conference, efforts to bring in gender equality including specific focus on improving the situation regarding women’s political empowerment has gained momentum. As far as policy initiatives are concerned the following main areas which need to be addressed on a priority basis have also been identified through various consultative processes.

• For political empowerment economic independence needs to be addressed. Structural and social impediments to women owning assets and having access to economic opportunities along with autonomy over their earned incomes need to be removed. For this it is very essential to have a gender disaggregated database on women’s economic contribution. This is one area where lack of data hampers appropriate policy especially for the vast majority of women workers in the informal economy.

• In order to have a critical mass one- third seats must be reserved for women in legislative, judiciary and executive bodies. At the local self-governance level this has been achieved in the region in most countries. The same should be practiced for civil service recruitments and appointments.

• Political parties need to evolve systems to include more women in their decision-making bodies as also in the distribution of tickets during elections.

• Training and access to information are very crucial for women to be effective at all levels of governance.

• Gender sensitization of men through training and exchange programmes in all spheres of governance, be it the judiciary, parliament, local bodies or the bureaucracy, is essential. Unless this barrier is broken there will always be resistance to sharing power which is the crux for achieving gender equity in any sphere.

Evidently the progress in achieving these action points is uneven and constant lobbying and advocacy is required for policy level initiatives in these areas. To achieve this in practice, along with macro policy level initiatives, ground level initiatives are also required. For instance, for economic empowerment of women at the household and family level, one needs to ask: what needs to be done to ensure that women also own assets and have income earning possibilities? What needs to be done to make women exercise the right to own property where there are legal rights available? All the countries in the region have examples of innovative ways in which this has taken place. For instance, women self-help groups have been given priority to avail credit which has boosted women’s incomes. Or, on registering a property in the woman’s name a tax rebate in property tax has been made. However, these examples are still small in number. What can be done to make these the norm? In the use of common property resources various ways to have them under the control of women and men have been found. All such initiatives need to be broad based so that a large number of women start playing a decision making role right from the house hold level and thereafter at the community level and so forth. In the case of local bodies, reserving seats for women was the first step. Henceforth, what needs to be done is to make these women political decision-makers and not just technocratic decision-makers. Involving more and more women through village assemblies in India (Gram Sabhas) has been seen to be one such effective measure.

Mahbub ul Haq, the main force behind putting the debate on gender relations on a world wide platform aptly said:

Those societies which have given equal access to women and men in economic and political opportunities have Progressed much faster than those which denied such access. Gender equality is a necessary condition for sound human development.

Text courtesy: FES Office New Delhi. Thanks the author-ed.

International Eminent Persons to act as Observers in Sri Lanka

President Mahinda Rajapaksa has decided to invite an international group of eminent persons to act as observers of investigations into alleged abductions, disappearances and extra judicial killings.

This independent group will comprise persons of eminence and repute in their respective fields, to ensure transparency and impartiality.

The decision by President Rajapksa to appoint this group of observers is reflective of the Government’s commitment to fully investigate such allegations and bring the perpetrators to justice. It is also a response to attempts at discrediting the Government of Sri Lanka , the Security Forces and the Police with regard to alleged human rights violations, and allegations of lack of adequate investigation into such violations .

The most recent of such allegations, was made by the departing head of Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission, concerning the killing of 17 local employees of French non-government organization, ACF, at Muttur, while an investigation is ongoing. The Government has totally rejected these allegations and is awaiting the outcome of a judicial investigation with the assistance of foreign experts.

The proposed group, whose Terms of Reference are being formulated in consultation with international human rights organizations, will make their observations on the investigations into alleged extra judicial killings, abductions and disappearances. The President’s Office will initiate consultations in this regard. The Armed Services, Police and all other Government agencies will be instructed to extend their fullest cooperation to the group to carry out its mandate.