 |
| |
|
Wednesday, January 10, 2007
|
|
Existing Political Culture in Nepal
-Dr. Rabindra Khanal, Political Science Department, T.U, Nepal
The political culture in Nepal is a conglomeration of various factors as outlined above. Such factors exist elsewhere also but in Nepal they are more acute because of its incomparable environment. One of the most important surveys in this regard was conducted by the Political Science Association of Nepal (POLSAN) in 1991 just before the first general election. The survey had posed some questions related to people's attitudes towards monarchy, elections, political parties, effect of government on society, trust in politicians, and so on which brought mixed responses showing the predominance of parochial and subject political culture over the participant one. The results of the survey deserve mention in some detail here.
Economically, a majority of the people in Nepal are poor. The country is ranked as one of the poorest countries of the world according to the development indicators of the World Bank. Nearly ten million people, that is fifty percent of the total population, are at present living in absolute poverty, which has hindered development and education. This situation has not altered despite the increased strength of democracy. The combination of poverty and illiteracy has made the people believe that it is their fate which is the cause for their misfortune and thus to accept their status in the society as predetermined by their Karma, the sum-total of actions committed in past. This implies that one has no control over the divine arrangement. Such individuals readily accept powerful external forces as the prime movers in the world. Such attitude has not only allowed passive acceptance of the system but has also given space to those who exploit the natural apathy of the poor. As a result, active participation of the people in the political process in any form is unimaginable because hunger and ignorance put a limit on their horizon. Hungry men do not think beyond their stomach and this entitles them to survive as a subject and think on parochial terms.
Rich people with high living standards do not show much interest in changing the nature of existing politics. Their behavior and attitude are ingrained with the traditional order of the feudal, who try to retain their social prestige by maintaining the status quo. The continuity of the same elite has precluded any move towards change and any kind of openness in the political process. They are no better than the poor who form the majority in the society but remain passive toward the political happening. However, the basic motives of the two classes are different. The poor remain passive due to ignorance whereas the rich become passive to exploit the poor. Nevertheless, such attitudes do not augur well toward the development of a suitable political culture for the success of democracy.
The other class of people in Nepal, besides the rich and the poor, is called the middle class – the mediating agent of society which has a considerable influence on the social and political development of the country. They are educated, conscious of their status and role in society, and are always eager to create a distinct identity for themselves in it. Sometimes, they move closer to the political system while at other times they challenge the system. As a result, this class remains the partner of the system whether in support or in opposition. The middle class, as Rishikesh Shah points out, has a split mentality which cannot withstand the strains of poverty or prosperity and he claims that such mentality is the worst enemy to national character. But, the current politics in Nepal shows that the teachers, lawyers, professionals, and others belonging to the middle class have been more active in the political process than the other classes. Their roles have been positive in the creation of a dynamic political culture.
Besides the economic and educational status, social hierarchy is another important variable in influencing the political culture. People are socially segmented along the lines of castes, sub-castes, regions, race, and ethnicity. Their number is not exactly stated anywhere, but the census data of 1991 and 2001 record more than 60 such groups and 20 major languages. The caste system is fundamentally rooted in Hinduism, but the people belonging to different ethnic groups may or may not belong to the Hindu caste system. Some of the ethnic groups practice their rituals along the Buddhist, Islamic, and animistic faiths. But in the political process, the Hindu caste system has been predominant throughout history. For the past two hundred years or more, Brahmins and Chhetris have played a dominant role in Nepal's politics. Lately, the Newars have become the third powerful ethnic group in the power structure. As Rose and Joshi have pointed out, since the unification of Nepal, the political system, like the social system at large, has continued to be highly segmented in its pyramidal structure dominated by a handful of families belonging primarily to two castes – Brahmins and Chhetris. This is still largely true because, even after 1951, the possibility of social mobility for various ethnic groups other than the three socially dominant castes of Brahmins, Chhetris, and Newars has remained minimal. This was stated nearly four decades ago, but is still true. Not even the mass movement of 1990 and the restoration of multiparty democracy was able to change this reality. A large section of the society belonging to different ethnic groups and the lower segments of the Hindu Caste system is still excluded from the political process. This has not only created a big gap between the ruling elite and the masses but also hindered the cultivation of a suitable political culture for the success of democracy.
The concept of location is also important for the development of a proper political culture. People living in urban areas have more access to amenities in life. They get privileges in education, employment, information, and communication. As a result, their dependence on government grows, and awareness of their political interest increases. The growth in awareness of self-interest leads in turn to placing greater demands on government, and to higher levels of popular political involvement and participation which ultimately leads them to espouse a participant political culture. But in the case of Nepal, the majority of people live in rural areas and are engaged in agriculture where the basic needs of life are difficult to come by. They lack the infrastructure for development. They do not even know about their government and have no idea about what it does. For them, the traditional local leaders are the government and their order is law. This is not the case in every part of the country, but it is so in many rural areas where there is no facility for transport and communication. The political importance of rural life is often highly exaggerated by the politicians, specially at the time of election, but their promises are conveniently forgotten after the election. The ignorant rural masses do not seem to have developed a stake in democracy.
Age and sex factors also shape the political attitude of the masses. Citizens belonging to the older generation are bound by tradition, culture, religious faith, ascriptive values of the society, and an attachment to the past preventing them from accepting new values emerging in the country. In other words, they are reluctant to adapt to the new environment. The attitudes and behavior patterns of citizens of a particular age group have been examined during different times to see, in effect, what continuity or discontinuity might exist. One of the best examples of this kind of study is found in the work of John Crittenden, conducted in 1963. In this study he proved that the age factor of citizens determines their attitudes towards politics and, as they grow older, they become conservative and more reluctant to change.
In the context of Nepal, there are three generations living at the same time. The old generation has seen the Rana rule as a 'role model' and feels that law and order existed in those days. People were more disciplined and god-fearing. The rate of crimes was low and life and property were more secure in those days. As a result, Rana rule is considered to have been much better than the governments today. This thinking clearly shows their attachment to the past notwithstanding the perversions of Rana period. They do not see much value in the freedom and democratic ideals and prefer the dead silence of that period in the name of discipline. But this did not hold in the case of educated people because some of them rose against the system and worked for ushering in democracy. In an interview, Diamond Sumsher Rana, a prominent Nepali Congress worker, said that he fought against the Rana rule as an army officer at the cost of his life and he does not regret what he did, and, in fact, he is proud of what he did. There are many people like him.
The middle-aged citizens are generally more involved in politics than both youths and old people in Nepal. The control of political power by old people means that Nepal's polity is gerentocratic. The middle-aged people have gone through the hurdles of life and want to change the total environment for the future generation, but the influence of the older generation on them is so great that they are not yet ready to revolt against the old values of society. Pressed between the old and the new, they remain weak and confused. Thus, the new generation is expected to have more courage for change, to revolt against the unsuitable older values and help in institutionalizing democracy. There is an element of truth, for example, in saying: "Politics in Nepal is still based more on personality than on institutions; the leadership roles within the government and parties are personalized; there is lack of accountability; and when crises accumulate due to the failure of institutions and leaders, the elected representatives including the leaders of government, find themselves stuck with the environment. Such functional and behavioral crises severely hinder the process of institutionalization and legitimization of democracy in the country".
Excerpts from the author’s newly published book on LOCAL GOVERNANCE IN NEPAL: Democracy at Grassroots, available at Smriti Books, Kopundole, Lalitpur-ed.
Strategies of Small States
Dev Raj Dahal
Structurally diverse contexts entail different strategies for small states. A brief survey of the strategies small states have adopted to minimize their vulnerability and maximize their maneuverability is of immediate relevance here. Without proper understanding of these strategies it would be very difficult to underline the intangibles of small states’ survival, proliferation and influence in the global political economy. The ability of small states to adjust external demands and opportunities with their internal processes and devise proper means to change the rules of the games of the unfair world state system is exemplary in itself. It is, therefore, essential to unravel the common denominators of small states’ survivability and prosperity including their skills in escaping from and coping with the challenges of the contemporary global political economy.
Good Neighborhood Policy
The first strategy small states usually adopt is the good neighborhood policy. It is this strategy that helps them formulate the proper kind of alternatives and strategies for safe adaptation and maneuvers. The safer the regional environment the greater the chances and choices for small states in external freedom of action. The degree of freedom in the vicinity is highly significant because many financial, political, cultural, security and environmental relationships flow from the neighborhood surroundings and offer the promise of a good life to all neighbors. Even the status of small states vis-à-vis the neighbors defines their position and ranking in the international community. Good neighborhood policy encourages common security and common responsibility and discourages military intervention from the extra-regional powers. But national leaders must make effective policy for the regulation of unrestrained migration and inflow of population, information and goods from the neighborhood so that their social cohesion, economic development and political stability would not be negatively affected to undermine their internal autonomy and external sovereignty. Countless small states like Nepal, Bhutan, Mongolia, Burma, Switzerland, Norway, Finland, etc have set clear examples of fostering good neighborhood policy both in times of crisis as well as peace, and accommodate legitimate interests of their neighbors for their own survival, identity and peace.
Use of Geo-strategic Significance
The second strategy small power pursue is the use of their own geo-strategic significance. Geo-strategy defines the capacity that each nation owes to its configuration, to its sea and continental boundaries and to the influence that it exercises through its intrinsic or acquired power. The geographic location, topographical attributes and circulation patterns are related in many ways to the possibilities of defense as well as the strength of territorial ideology. For example, geographic remoteness from the large powers is the source of latitude for small states because they are less penetrated and less dependent than those in the proximity of the big powers’ security, strategic and resource concerns. Until the nineteenth century, overwhelming mountains barriers and the lack of outside transit routes favored a sustained independence of Nepal and Afghanistan against intrusive British power. Sweden took advantage of its insular position.
Recently, the Burmese military regime has sealed itself off from outside penetration. Ronfeldt, however, argues that Cuba and Iran’s strong position in their ties with USA and the USSR in the seventies was mainly a result of the latter’s perception of these countries’ extremely important strategic position because they are close to the border of the competing super powers. Sjostedt, sharing this view, holds that a small state’s position may be strengthened if it is “ located at the center of an important network of international transactions.” This sounds true. Singapore may be taken as a case serving as an important network for Asia –Pacific interaction.
Although modern technology has fundamentally altered the traditional significance of geographic remoteness, size, population, resources endowment, location and the power potential of small states are still of considerable relevance because they influence the policies of big powers. Small states provide corporeal capacity “as an expense of territory encircled for its identification and its defense by a hard shell of fortifications” (Herz, 1989:25) against big powers. Geographic features are more permanent than other factors to be taken into account before formulating any policy, no matter what type of regime is in power. The geographical position of Nepal between the Chinese underbelly Tibet and the Gangetic belt, the political heartland of India, conditioned its power status and constituted its bargaining leverage, posing security stake to both neighbors and even major powers of the world.
Exploitation of Big Powers Discord
The third strategy small states apply is the exploitation of discord between big powers.It is a game where small states either count upon the goodwill of one major power against the other intrusive power or play off one against another in the fashion of classic small nation diplomacy. It may also be regarded as small bargain with big powers on the basis of leverage and the given situation of rival capacities and alternate risks. Cambodia in the sixties offered itself a standard case of small power game between China and America. According to sociologist George Simmel and others: “ The weak man (tertius) in a triad that includes two strong players is found to profit, far out of proportion to his real power, by aligning himself with one of the two more powerful members. The weak tertius is found to profit even more handsomely when two more powerful players are in a lockjam of contention” (Wolff,1950:157).
In the sixties and the early seventies Nepal assumed the position of a successful tertius. It invited the deliberate influence of the American and the Soviet factors in its foreign policy as a compensatory component for competition of power undergoing between India and China. The outcome of this competition, however, rested with Nepal. Its interest in ties with both the superpowers was based on the countervailing strategy of balancing, neutralizing, decoupling and even reducing the neighbors’ predominant influence and maximizing the options for economic and political diversification. In Sino-Soviet rivalries of the sixties North Korea had tried to be closer to each antagonist, China and the Soviet Union, than they were with each other.
Cautious Diplomatic Maneuvers
The fourth strategy small states apply is that of cautious diplomatic maneuvers. A. Baker Fox provides an example of the abilities of five small states – Sweden, Norway, Finland, Turkey, and Spain—in maintaining perfect neutrality during World War II and in restricting great powers in three different types of alliances: unequal bilateral alliance between a great power and small state; multilateral alliance among small states; and, multilateral pacts mixing great and small states (1959:1-9). David Vital, however, describes the material inequality of the unaligned small states and its consequence for maneuverability. V. V. Sveics also focuses on unaligned small power conflicts with military superior powers.
In fact, multilateral alliance among small states gives more freedom of maneuver because it promotes equality than unequal bilateral alliance, which promotes hierarchy and domination. Small states, therefore, instead of joining cold war bloc politics preferred to remain nonaligned and neutral. The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) represents another example of small states’ multilateral cooperative scheme among Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. No doubt, a “collective status” for small states would “ensures their recognition as equals” (Tucker,1977: 63) and “maximize opportunities to meet domestic economic needs, while minimizing dependencies” (Holsti,1978:115). The US–Philippines bilateral relations, for example, reflect the disadvantages of inequality in economic and security relationship as well as a tension between ideology and geography, (Lopez,1988:210) its psychological safety notwithstanding. Gislason illustrates that how five small states – Denmark, Iceland, Norway, Finland and Sweden on the edge of the inhabitable world, have somehow managed to create independent, free and prosperous societies, dedicated to justice in social affairs and tolerant towards all shades of opinions of states that coexist in peace (1984:210).
The influence of small states in a changing global political economy lies in their government’s diplomatic skills to communicate clearly and intelligently to their people and foreign governments on what their foreign policy goals are and how those are realized. For small states revival of diplomacy means less use of force or coercion. Since the days of Greek city-states it was small states that had employed diplomacy more often than big powers in exerting influence, averting conflicts and managing inter-state relations. Even in the post-cold war order small states beside opening diplomatic missions abroad are hosting representatives of various international institutions, non- governmental organization, multinational corporations and civil societies to open their political, economic, and technological choices and promote multiple maneuvers.
Active Foreign Policy
The fifth strategy small states pursue is active foreign policy. This policy is broadly intended to balance their ties between regional and superpowers so as not to allow the exclusive dominance of either of them over their domestic and foreign policies, to choose partners of dependence to have the power to decide for themselves whom to depend on, and to have the capacity to prevent externally-induced internal crisis as well as to anticipate future courses of action. Swedish foreign policy behavior in bilateral, regional, and global framework symbolizes this kind of ‘active’ foreign policy. Nepalese foreign policy in the sixties is also commonly characterized as ‘ active’ designed to prevent the undesired influence of regional powers over its domestic policy.
In most of the cases the success of ‘active’ foreign policy, however, lies on small states’ own internal state capacity such as domestic cohesiveness, resource base, position, quality of leadership and the quality of decision making in foreign policy formulation. Social cohesiveness in Israel, the possession of strategic commodities like oil in the United Arab Emirates and Kuwait, diamond and uranium in South Africa, copper in Zambia, strategic position of Switzerland and the quality of leadership in many small states like Mahathir Bin Mohammed in Malaysia, Lee Kwan Yu in Singapore, Fidel Castro in Cuba, Olaf Palme in Sweden and Julius K. Nyerere in Tanzania are good examples.
Active foreign policy is crisis-preventive and value-promotive in nature. In this sense it is largely initiatory rather than reactive. Active foreign policy is highly significant for the small states for their depth in defense is too small to endure crisis in the long-run and exhaust the energies of intrusive large powers unless they are ready to meet for any possible contingencies and withstand the pressure by transforming their struggle, from what Sveics calls “military to political level.” Cuba, Albania and Zimbabwe are good examples of small states’ resistance against economic sanctions by major powers. If political will of intrusive powers is destroyed, their military capabilities become totally irrelevant.
Tantra in Hinduism and Buddhism
By Haribol Acharya, Nepal
Buddhist Tantrism is the latest development in Buddhist history; schools of Buddhism made different interpretations at different stages in its evolution Philosophizing the practice of it under different names.
The goal every Buddhist sets his mind ultimately on is the attainment of Nirvana. Aspirants on a course to reach the state of Nirvana will be on a vehicle that takes him through different routes. The three famous vehicles students of Buddhism all over the world are acquainted with are: 1. The Hina Yana (The Little Vehicle); 2. The Mahayana (The great Vehicle); 3. The Bajra yana (The Thunderbolt Vehicle)
Each vehicle is a little more developed and sophisticated than the other. In the evolutionary cycle, Buddhist cults have been refined since contacts between Buddhism and the rest of other religions made Buddhism absorb so many external influences. Tantrism in Buddhism bears for that matter the direct impact of the Tantrism of Hinduism. This happened at a time when Buddhism took a ride on the Bajra Yana.
Tantra at times sounds a little technical term and in essence it is a technical aspect. The argument every one is likely to make is how on earth a spiritual route can be defined in technical terms. Tantra is a means or a method that paves the way for seekers towards liberation. This is a ritual or a particular performance or a host of systems that bind on a spiritual practitioner. In a cruder terminology, it is a strategy that directs an aspirant towards salvation. Since it is a spiritual course its subtle meaning cannot be easily explained in terms.
Tantra is an overly used diction, both Hinduism and Buddhism choose to use. In Hinduism, Tantra is, in cruder terms, a technical device that bridges a gap between the power which is hidden in Hiranya Garva and the force of nature that manifests it. Tantra is in substance a roadmap to Mukti, a state of liberation. Shiva Tatwa (the state of Shiva) is in his original state remains unmanifested and through Shakti he is manifested into forms. The world is the manifestation of Shiva through Shakti. Tantra for that matter is a spiritual staircase towards divine powers. A communion between the mortal and the immortal in which the end result is to immortalize the mortal. That-is why Tantra in Hinduism presented with a communion between a female and male, an allegorical presentation of the union between the Lord of the universe and the natural entity that is accountable for the creation.
Buddhism in its infancy did not relate anything about Tantra. But Buddhism in due course has taken up a course towards Tantric methods to attain Nirvana. At this stage Buddhism has heavily drawn upon Hindu ways which can amply be seen in Mandala to the extent of inlaying gods and goddesses in varied facets. In order to arrive at the root of Tantra, we have to switch over to the Vedas. The Vedas are in fact very intricate scriptures and are
not intelligible at ease to all. The Vedas state that the creator of the universe is formless, Niskala or Nirguna Bramha and the creation of the universe is the manifestation of the formless state.
The power that bridges the creator and the universe is Shakti. That is why in Tantra Shastra we come across the pronouncements of Shiva Shakti. Tantra in Hinduism takes the aspirant in a state of trance and he will be in effect in direct conversation with the creator of the universe. In Hinduism Shakti creates a link with which the aspirant can experience the ordinarily unfathomable state. We come across religious sites at which Hindu Sadhus practicing Tantra smeared with ashes, in matted hair and with sacred threads and beads round their necks. These naked holy men choose charnel sites and perform macabre dances and go wild at times with fire in their eyes. Such Sadhus normally appear antisocial and a little bit anarchists totally unconcerned about what is going around. If we move about ancient temples and shrines we happen to see a good deal of eroticism displayed all around and we often mistake it for sexual perversion but at depth it is a spiritual union. Maybe a communion which cannot be discerned or interpreted. The body for a spiritual practitioner in Hinduism is not a subject to be despised rather it is conceived of the embodiment of something spiritual. A bodily union for that matter is one of the summits an aspirant is expected to scale on a spiritual journey.
Tantra has some times magical effects which conjure up images of boundless power latent within human beings. The psychic energy it generates is expected to resource aspirants with great creative abilities and even miracles are supposed to happen. One of the things that merit our attention where Buddhism and Hinduism conglomerate in this light is that Buddhist Sadhus like Hindu Sadhus can not ignore the role of certain female deities inevitable to attain Nirvana. Tantra in Hinduism is a device that helps spiritual practitioners to transcend all mundane layers to reach a state of blissfulness. It is Shakti through which one can reach Shiva. In other words it is Shakti through which Brahma or the state of Nirguna manifests or takes form which is primarily formless. A union with a female is to achieve the same power with which the cosmos was created. Creativity crops up in a pure union. That is the magic of Tantra. Sex is in this sense not a perverted human activity but a purely divine recreation that procreates and regenerates. Tantra is in substance a spiritual Sadhana that helps a Sadhak, a spiritual seeker to swiftly attain liberation.
Both in Hinduism and in Buddhism, the term Tantra basically refers to a spiritual practice performed undergoing a series of rituals that unveils the hidden powers of the seeker in order to enable him to know his real state. That is in essence liberation. In this course some magical powers accrue and miracles happen but the one committed to his goal remains unmindful of or unconcerned about what he is magically capable of, and does not exhibit supernatural powers.
To observe Tantra from a chronological ground it predates the Vedic time. From this standpoint Buddhism must have borrowed Tantra heavily from Hinduism. In Buddhism we come upon Tantra with a spiritual ride we make through the Bazra Yana, a Buddhist cult in which male and female deities surface, maybe in a little different way. Eroticism is less manifest and excitement is in check but the way the theme surges amounts to what Hindu ways display. On the surface it is different but the philosophy of Tantrism whether it is a Hindu way or a Buddhist way is rooted in the communion of souls.
The Bajrayana often referred to as the thunderbolt vehicle was the last vehicle, evolved through generations of changes and refinements over centuries and in such courses it might have absorbed things from Hindu scriptures. Buddhism has undergone an evolutionary cycle and was developed drawing a great deal upon Hinduism in Nepal and India and upon Taoism in China. Buiddhism as understood through the Hinayana at its earliest stage is not the same as it is observed through the Mahayana and finally through the Bajrayana. The type under the Hinayana has nothing to do with rituals and other types of performances and the Mahayana has absorbed certain elements when Buddhism got infused with other religions and finally coming to the Bajrayana it has become ritualistic. If we have a glance at the cosmogram (Mandala) we see deities with varied gestures (Mudras) which is believed to be full of spells.
The single most important thing about Tantra is that it is a spiritual course and the only motive behind it is to uncover the hidden treasures within us. Whether it is practiced through Buddhist tenets or Hindu methods it is the same state every aspirant aspires to reach. Both use the same contents within the same frame. The only difference that remains is their style. Text courtesy: The NTTR May 02 - 08, 2005-ed.
The concept of democratic planning is yet to evolve
Prof. Dr.Ram Kumar Dahal, Political Science Department, T.U, Nepal
The Nepalese planners and planning agencies in practice have totally failed in planning for the poor, voiceless, powerless, women, dalit, adibasi Janajatis (indigenous nationalities) and the marginalized ones and whatever limited attempts were made in this direction were virtually monopolized by the so-called tatha batha or by the elite. virtually, the citizens: right to participate in the entire development process including their right to have clean administration and rights based governance and right to education have been seriously challenged. Most of the provisions as mentioned in nearly fourteen international covenants and conventions of which Nepal is a party and ILO conventions including the international provisions of right to life, right to have adequate food and right to shelter have been seriously violated. The Nepalese planners have failed to address these issues and respect the human rights (HRs) of the citizens. The Nepalese planning has also suffered much from the mind set of central government and bureaucrats who do not like to decentralize power in the hands of local people. The mentality of the bureaucrats at the central government's bureaucracy is strictly towards centralization and feel threatened by the decentralized governance and powerful local bodies. A centralized planning and budgeting system still exist in Nepal in the form of line agencies which follows the blue print approach and set targets and budget form the centre even against the priorities and needs of the local bodies.
The success of development planning largely depends on the political commitment of the leaders, particularly those in power and the mind set of central government. Under the current planning structures, the Nepalese welfare state has failed to develop regional/ecological, ethnic, socio-cultural, linguistic and gender balance in the field of planning. Plans in Nepal are generally formulated without properly identifying country's existing economic resources needed for the on going projects and consequently, no practical relationship exist between goals and targets. The pervasive political and administrative corruption, government slackness/delay and a number of factors related to this have negatively affected the planning in Nepal. The lack of proper evaluation and monitoring mechanism and absence of effective criteria for evaluation have practically added some problems in this direction. The lack of political commitment and the political slackness and passive attitude have led to the total failure of planning mechanism in Nepal. Moreover, the inadequacy of information or absence of data bank and the politicization/distortion of data by the government have added some more challenges in this direction. Due to the unclear role of the private sector and Nepal's adoption of economic policies including privatization, liberalization, globalization without any detail homework have added much more confusion in planning sector. The extreme polarization of planning mechanism in Nepal and their inadequate official and physical capability have virtually weaken them at the foundation level. A number of challenges still exist even in the macro economic estimation and survey. Practically speaking planning in Nepal in most cases has virtually Income a formal activity. The monopolization of economic resources by political heavy weights or those in power or over concentration of government fund in the constituency of the powerful leaders have practically made the planning mechanism as the effective tools to serve the interest of these political elite rather than planning for the general people consequently, these planning mechanisms have completely failed to maintain political, regional/geographic/ecological racial/ethnic, linguistic, religious and administrative balance. Nepal's heavy dependency on foreign aid/grant than mobilizing, existing national resources and the mis-utilization of fund at political and administrative level have added a number of challenges in planning sector.
Due to the frequent change in government and political instability, contradictions between the planning policies objectives and priorities and annual budget allocation have been clearly noticed which has virtually made the planning mechanism almost dysfunctional. In order to effectively implement planning in Nepal a number of recommendations could be put forward: The development plans in Nepal should give priority to alleviate poverty, give employment opportunities, reduce economic inequalities, maximum utilize the existing human and national resources, encourage balanced and rapid economic development, encourage self sufficiency, economic stability, social security and social justice increase per capita income (PCI) and gross domestic product (GDP). It should also take necessary initiative to discourage politics of alienation. Proper planning has to be made based on the country situation and needs including long and short range, micro and macro sectoral and development planning. The creation of economic and social infrastructures, gradual industrialization and agricultural development, appropriate measures for population control, achieve balance growth, maximization or extension of export and minimization of import should be its ultimate goals. The NPC and NDC should be activated and made effective and their polarization on political ground should be strictly discouraged.
Practical planning for the poor, powerless and voiceless and marginalized including the Dalits, Women, AdibasiJanajatis (indigenous nationalities) should be made so as to empower them. While determining or fixing targets and priorities of the planning, practical/realistic approach including integrated plan approach should be adopted. Similarly, while planning, appropriate scientific survey of the existing financial resources should be done, effective and practical development policy be formed, administrative efficiency be increased and people's participation/public cooperation for the on going project should be sought. A practical and scientific data bank should be developed so as to provide accurate information about economic sector. The CBS in this direction should be strengthened so as to develop it as an effective government data bank. The private sector/market and the civil society organization (CSOs) and community based organisations (CBOs) should be encouraged to participate in the overall planning process. Effective balance should be maintained between the planning policies and annual budget and no contradiction between them should exist in practice. Macro, regional, sectoral and local development planning should be encouraged so as to uplift the poor, voiceless, powerless and marginalized groups including dalits, women, adibasijanajatis and the labour. Participatory planning should be promoted so as to improve their participation in development and planning. The horizontal decentralization of the planning mechanisms in a highly centralized planning system (e.g. establishing the branches of NPC in all ecological zones/regions and 14 zones (and districts be identified within its coverage) with central level NPC serving as umbrella organization to promote right based governance and distribution local planning and balanced regional/ecological development (e.g. between Terai in one hand and hills and high Himalayas on the other, between regions and zones in respect to manpower policy is essential in a constitutionally declared welfare state. The members of NPC, while planning for the remote areas should at least spend some months in identifying the local problems and needs, assess the local resources; the beneficiaries of the particular project and studying each and every aspect of planning. The NPC has to draw plans on the ratio of the population, areas, ethnic, socio-cultural, linguistic and religious representation and local resources should plan not for the political heavy weights or for the government alone which appoints him to that particular post (e.g. vice chairperson or members) but should plan for the people on the basis of the national needs and national/regional priorities. Planning by those educated in, or getting doctoral degrees from, world's top most universities in western metropolitan centres, planning on Harvard or New York model of development in Himalayan districts of Humla and Jumla, having no knowledge of Nepal's geographic, socio-cultural and economic conditions and/hard or ground realities, planning only after having a birds' eye view from the aeroplane or helicopter that these the remote and most backward Himalayan or hill districts, does not become practical in the case of small, landlocked and world's one of the most poorest countries like Nepal. The planners of the NPC, as some view, visit foreign country many times a year but not their own districts and villages for which they are planning. The NPC, as some critics in Nepal remark, plans only for the party in power or government or for the political heavy weights and their own areas/locality or constituency and not for the entire people and the nation even terribly undermining indigenous development.(Ram Kumar Dahal "Politics of Decentralized Governance in Nepal: Issues, Problems and Challenges" a paper presented in a work on Local Politics, Poverty and Decentralization, Copenhagen: Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS) June 16-18 2004: 34-66)
Though Nepal has experimented with planning since last six decades, the concept of democratic planning has yet to evolve. Though the planning mechanism in post panchayat period were brought under popular control, these mechanisms have not been effectively performing their jobs. The political instability, lack of political commitment on the part of the political rulers and leaders (particularly those in power) and the pervasive political and administrative corruption have in most cases weakened the planning mechanism and nature of planning in Nepal. These mechanisms in most cases, have become the effective means to serve the political heavy weights than the ordinary people.
