 |
| |
VOL. 27, NO. 22, February 08, 2007 (Magh 25 2064 B.S.)
|
|
Compulsive Options
Defying own rhetoric about ‘option-less’ April polls, key actors begin readying for the alternatives
By SUSHIL SHARMA
It is early morning on the last day of the first month of the New Year. The ‘busy’ minister without portfolio Sujata Koirala’s phone gets ringing, as usual, from the wee hours.
One of the first callers that morning was a special one. The prime minister father Girija Prasad Koirala. Furious over what he heard the daughter say in a BBC interview the previous night.
The ailing early-to-bed early-to-wake-up prime minister woke up that morning to hear fresh complaints about the daughter.
The complainants were some of his close aides and senior party figures. The issue was, again, the monarchy.
In the interview, Sujata did advocate for a cultural monarchy.
She said it was her personal opinion. But that was enough to earn the ire of the rivals in the deeply factious party that the Nepali Congress always is.
The senior Koirala was angry with his widely believed heir apparent over the complaints that he received about her.
Two hours later, the scene had changed. The senior Koirala got to listen first hand what the dear daughter actually said.
He was a happy man now. He found nothing wrong with the interview.
While Sujata’s remarks on monarchy grabbed the headlines and the critics’ attention, one crucial point she made went unnoticed.
It was this very point that the octogenarian seasoned leader apparently took the notice of. It was about keeping all options open in the present-day volatile politics.
“No aspiring leader moves without keeping all options open to give the country an outlet. He/she must have an option.”
“The April elections must be held, let there be no doubt”, Sujata said. “But what if elections do not take place?” she asked. “We must keep all options open for any eventuality.”
She did not explain the options that she had in mind.
She did not need to. Her advocacy for the cultural monarchy told it all.
It is not just the Nepali Congress or the Koiralas. Others have also begun to look for options in the event of any eventuality.
At the forefront is the second major constituent of the governing seven-party alliance – the Maoist communist party.
As an option, it has begun openly befriending what it calls royalist nationalists “to set up a 21st century brand of republic.”
It has projected the party chief, Prachanda, as president of the monarchical republic that Nepal currently is.
The constituent assembly election is supposed to draft a new constitution that will draw a new roadmap for Nepal.
The Maoists have made their alternative roadmap clear ahead of the polls.
“An executive presidential form of governance is what we want to establish,” said Maoist lawmaker, Khimalal Devkota.
The message is clear: election or not, Maoists aim to seize the power and put the supreme commander of their 19000 red brigade at the head of the government.
This has sent a wave of jitters beyond the national boundaries.
As April 10 draws closer, the cocktail circuits of the Kathmandu diplomatic community are abuzz with speculations.
As a top western diplomat put it, “We are also keeping all options open.”
