Resolve LPG hassle

The Indian customs department has blocked the Nepal-bound consignment of Liquefied Petroleum Gas (LPG). This does provide enough room to believe that such needless harassment which has adversely affected the movement of goods between the two countries is definitely not the sign of "good neighbourly attitude" of India towards smaller neighbours. No one, therefore, can deny the fact that India has not lived up to its commitment by not permitting the free flow of goods to and from Nepal through its territory even though international law allows this facility for landlocked countries.

Before the announcement of the 2000-2001 fiscal budget in India, it used to levy eight percent excise duty to Nepal on import of LPG. The recent budget had however waived off this duty by introducing central value added tax (VAT) instead of modified VAT. This tax has made provision for special concessions on customs duty. But going by the manner in which Indian customs has blocked the Nepal bound LPG, it appears that India is still reluctant to provide such concessions.

The result: fear of LPG scarcity is already being felt in the market. Such unnecessary harassment has indeed made Nepal suffer as the country has no access to a seaport. What makes matters worse is that Nepal-bound goods have no alternative but to use Indian territory for transit. But from time to time, they have had to face problems at the hands of Indian customs officials. Not that Nepalese authorities have not drawn the attention of the Indian government, but timely positive action in this regard has not always been forthcoming from the other side.

The 26 gas tankers blocked at Birgunj customs must not be confused with the concessions that India has already made public. Neither should this blockade provide an excuse for hiking LPG prices in the country. It is a fact that the cost of a cylinder gas in Nepal is over 25 percent higher than in India even after the latter raised its price in its recent budget. When Nepal has been the beneficiary of such duty concessions, the price of LPG should be going down or it should at least be at par with the Indian price. In this situation, the reasons some Indian officials have forwarded for continuing to levy the duty cannot be justified unless New Delhi reimposes it.

Such frequent standoffs have not only affected the movement of goods between the two countries but also proved to be irritants in good neighbourly relations. The strain is greater for Nepal since it invariably finds itself at the receiving end due to its geographical constraints. Because of the high-handedness of Indian customs officials Nepalese consumers have had to suffer. As the delay in releasing Nepal bound gas tankers may lead to shortage of gas here, the matter must be raised with India and settled early. For, such happenings every once in a while has cost Nepal dearly in the past.

Security and cooperation in South Asia

By Lok Raj Baral

The current South Asian security situation can be studied at four levels: intra-country, inter-country, regional and global. So in today’s South Asia, countries are increasingly coming under the spell of new security crises that emanate from a variety of sources of both conventional and non-conventional nature and ramifications. Such emergent trends have made each government of the region more dependent on state centric approach relying heavily on coercive power manifested in different forms. Internal wars being fought in most South Asian states are exclusively managed by military or armed police showing that no other mechanisms or strategies seem to be yielding desired results.

Yet, in some cases, for example India, the state has had been able to contain security crises as was evident in the case of insurgency dominated Punjab and in other regions such as Northeast India etc. Although the stories of crisis management are fraught with lingering shadow of uncertainties from a long-term perspective because of the failure of accords during implementation, Indian non-military response to crisis management seems to be partially successful. Nevertheless, security threats of national and transactional dimensions continue to haunt India today showing no immediate respite. The Kashmir imbroglio is the most complex and daunting task of conflict management.

South Asian politics is becoming more violent in nature with most countries facing political and ethnic violence, cross-country terrorism, crises of governance, breakdown of institutions, staggering poverty and changing demographic explosion heightened both by internal population growth due to the failures of states to effectively implement population policies, and by cross-country migration within the region. And all forms of governments -- democratic and authoritarian -- are invariably showing a uniform pattern of crisis of governability due to rampant corruption and inability of constitutionally designed institutions and authority structures to work effectively towards eliminating such cancerous diseases. Conceivably, there has been a marked decline of established institutions and elites credibility, while issues concerning human security -- food, cloth, education, health and sense of individual security -- are relegated to less preferential domains of governments.

The current developments show that all the region’s states are constrained to increase their defence spending for meeting newer sources of insecurity. In the budget presented only last month, the Indian defence spending is increased by 28 percent (2.7 percent of national income) in view of the deteriorating security scenario in the post-Kargil war fought by India and Pakistan along the line of control in Kashmir. Both the Prime Minister and Finance Minister have committed to increase defence budget if the situation demands to do so in the future. Indian analysts however maintain that Indian defence spending is till low compared to four percent of China and over five percent of Pakistan.

Internal security situation of Pakistan is worrisome in view of sectarian violence, religious fundamentalism embedded in state and non state structures, drug trafficking, arms flows within the country and across borders. In Nepal, the Maoist threat is looming large forcing the state to be effective combatant by upgrading the fire power of Nepal Police force with sophisticated arms and ammunition. A small country, Bhutan, is in a dilemma on whether or not it should allow the Indian troops for mopping up operations against the Bodo and ULFA insurgents.

South Asia seems to be postponing crises rather than solving them permanently because of transnational links between internal and external security situations. Thus, bilateral relations of the region’s states are strained even while making efforts for positive bilateralism. If bilateral relations continue to be marred by myopic national responses as it has happened in India-Pakistan relations in the post-Lahore declaration that aimed at resolving all outstanding issues including that of Jammu and Kashmir, the Kargil conflict spoiled it thus eventually paving the way for military takeover in Pakistan.

The continued strained relations existing between India and Pakistan and with the extra-regional powers figuring prominently in the regional power equation have given grounds to deterioration of bilateral and regional political environments.

The regional approach to security issues has also lost its significance because the South Asian states seem to be more anxious to be a part of the ongoing globalization process without having to behave as members of the regional community.

Since bilateral conflicts have overshadowed the regional "route to security" and development, the regional mechanism -- South Asian Association of Regional Cooperation (SAARC) -- unlike its other regional counterparts, has turned out to be irrelevant to a region whose overall environment is less hospitable to regionalism. Unless the member states free themselves from their aggressively pursued objectives directed against the other member states including a kind of "willing surrender" of some aspects of national sovereignty, regional approach continues to be ineffective.

The South Asian security context is further complicated by nuclear contest between India and Pakistan and the concomitant escalation of bilateral conflicts under the so-called protective nuclear umbrella. Whether or not the two countries would resort to a nuclear war, but the extent to which their security relations are impaired after the explosion demonstrate that either country seems to have been emboldened by such explosions whatever incalculable damages and even disaster they may inflict on them as well as the region as a whole.

Let me briefly mention the global dimension of South Asian security as the member states have a tendency to be more global rather than regional. But the major powers of the world, whose clout in the overall international power context is high, have also pursued a policy of studied silence allowing the South Asian region to slide down the road of disaster. During the Cold War period, strategic relations between and among the major nuclear and non-nuclear powers had been balanced with a certain degree of predictability in their behaviours, but such a predictable strategic balance is elusive in South Asia today. Given the emergent trends of a variety of nature and ramifications in the internal conditions of some of the states of the region, even resolution of the lingering crises like Kashmir is not likely to be conducive for South Asian cooperation.

Nation’s enemies

By Surendra Phuyal

In our everyday life there are instances of ‘grand political corruption’, ‘petty corruption’ and so on. Using public office for private purpose is simply defined as corruption.

But what happens in Nepal is more than that. To quote a supposedly clean parliamentarian, "Beimani" thrives in Nepal which serves nobody’s purpose."

There are people who receive hefty amounts in commissions while leasing big aircraft, and there are staff in government offices who get their palms greased ‘to speed things up’, and there are civil servants who just receive bribes to get things done.

But what the scribe saw at the Transportation Management Office, Ekantakuna, on New Year’s eve was disheartening.

It shocked me: There were people who were shamelessly indulging in corruption while the general public, including responsible government officials, were staying mute...

Needless to say, it was the customary eleventh hour rush for many who reached TMO premises that day. It was the last office (business) day of the year 2056 - 30, Chaitra, the deadline set by the government to get the number plates of all kinds of vehicles changed. This scribe was also in that rush. But it was so crowded and TMO premises was full of vehicles owners desperate to pay their tax, renew their ownership certificates and get a new registration number.

While the majority of people in the serpentine queues were either motorcycle owners or car owners, others hanging around were local brokers or the TMO staff. The latter were all out to indulge in daylight robbery of the general public’s pockets or wallets. Local brokers were tolerable compared to a few TMO staff. While brokers asked for a hundred rupee remuneration, the TMO staff jacked up the asking price to Rs 500 to speed (a motorcycle’s) things up.

"You lose nothing by giving this guy an additional 500 rupees to speed things up," an acquaintance of mine told me as he hugged his brother-in-law (a TMO staff). I silently reckoned: Rs 500 was equivalent to something that I could earn in three whole days. "No, I cannot pay Rs 500 for so small a favour."

The TMO hero confessed that he asked the amount for his spouse and children. I told him that I would never bribe anybody.

He left the scene in search of another victim, while I cursed the government’s special police force for sparing such corrupt guys. Later, I discovered he was not the only one at the premise.

Tipped off that the Transportation Management Department will extend the deadline one more time, I buried the idea of getting a new registration number for my motorbike and fled the scene.

I swear, it was like a premise full of criminals or the nation’s enemies as professed by our late Great King Prithvi Narayan Shah a century and half ago, "Those who receive bribes and those who give bribes are criminals (nation’s enemies)".

The insulted and the injured

By Kuldip Nayar

I feel that no penance that the Hindu may do can, in any way, compensate for the calculated degradation to which they have consigned the depressed classes for centuries. But I know that the separate electorate is neither a penance nor any remedy for the crushing degradation they have groaned under.

This is what Mahatma Gandhi wrote to the British government when it proposed to grant a separate electorate to the depressed classes--the untouchables. He was against a separate electorate for Muslims as well. But it was the separation of the Shudra, the untouchable, from the main body of Hindus that he could not contemplate. He went on a fast unto death against the proposal. Rabindra Nath Tagore wore a black robe to register his support.

Gandhi succeeded. But the person who really accommodated him was B R Ambedkar, the leader of the depressed classes. (His birthday falls this week). The British gave in only when he accepted the ‘Poona Pact’ which reserved seats for his flock, with a joint electorate. The other gain from Gandhi’s fast was that most Hindu temples were flung open to untouchables. This was in April 1932.

After 68 years, the situation has not changed substantially. Temples remain open but the hearts of the caste Hindus are closed. Gandhi called an untouchable by the name of Harijan, son of God, to shame caste Hindus. But their conscience has irked them very little.

Untouchability is banned in free India. But the law is only on paper. A religion with caste as its social base is incapable of equality and fraternity. More than 20 crore people live without any dignity and honour.

In fact, there is the religious belief that God has created Shudra, the lower caste, as Manu says, to punish them for ‘their sins’ in the past birth. Discrimination has been consecrated and institutionalised. The social structure of Hindu society has got stratified.

This is reflected in living, attitude and behaviour. The countryside is particularly dotted with separate habitats, separate drinking-water wells and separate schools.

Even when segregated, the untouchables are beaten at places for wearing clothes of good quality. They are beaten because they have used the utensils made of metals like copper and brass. Their houses are burnt for the unpardonable sin of purchasing land for cultivation.

Over the years, reservations, also extended to government service, have survived because the ‘Poona Pact’ has been incorporated in the constitution. But the spirit of the pact -- breaking the shackles of the caste system -- which Ambedkar expected, is lacking. There is no end to the agony and the humiliation of the lower castes, now called the dalits.

The Blacks in the US are far better because the discrimination in their case is based on colour. They can cross the segregation line. For the dalits this is not possible. Their exclusion is because of birth which they cannot escape till death.

Ambedkar was probably right when he said that the problem of untouchability was that of class struggle. It was not a case of injustice being perpetrated by one man against another. It was a case of injustice being perpetrated by one class against another. Indeed, the class and caste are co-terminus in India.

As Law Minister, Ambedkar tried to deal with the reality when he drafted constitution’s Article 15: "(1) The State shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them. (2) No citizen shall, on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them, be subject to any disability, liability, restriction or condition with regard to _ (a) access to shops, public restaurants, hotels and places of public entertainment; or (b) the use of wells, tanks, bathing ghats, roads and places of public resort maintained wholly or partly out of State funds or dedicated to the use of the general public."

The constitution, which Ambedkar drafted, was egalitarian in tone and tenor. But he failed to instill in the minds of the upper castes the concept of equality and dignity. Probably no constitution can help people overcome their personal prejudice or religious bigotry.

That was one of the reasons why Ambedkar was against reservations. He did not believe that a few seats in the legislatures or a few jobs in the government could improve the lot of dalits lagging far behind. The Hindu society as such must transform. "This means a complete change in the values. It means a complete change in outlook and the attitude towards men and things," he said. Reservations to him were like crutches. The lower castes must learn to stand on their own legs, he felt.

Ambedkar reluctantly agreed to reservations only for a decade. But little did he realise that reservations would become a concession for automatic extension after every 10 years. Politicians, who represent the community, are content with the chaff, not agitating for changes in the Hindu religion from within for adopting a scheme of morality and ideal of justice. Even reservations are being cornered by the selected dalits. They have not even accepted the Supreme Court’s verdict that the ‘creamy layer among the dalits’ should not be entitled to concessions.

Caste Hindus must be laughing in their sleeves because the dalit leaders have reduced the battle against inequality and discrimination to a political game for reservations.

They have accepted the status quo. For a pittance, the people on the periphery have been forgotten. Steps to ensure an equal status would have upset the apple cart of upper castes. The dalits have stopped short of that. Ambedkar had warned that "the political freedom means nothing and will disappear without economic and social freedom." His words have come true. The dalits in free India are still at the bottom. Independence has only changed masters, from the white to the brown. Had the dalits made common cause with the other ‘backwards’ and the poor, they would have at least created some ripples in the society. It would have been a challenge to the supremacy -- and smugness -- of caste Hindus.

In fact, the upper castes are taking away from the dalits even the credit for the few achievements they cherish. For example, they feel proud that the constitution was given to the nation by a dalit, Ambedkar. Their fear is that the Review Commission may dilute his contribution.

"They do not want to accept that Dr Ambedkar was the framer of our nation’s first constitution," says Dr Rahul Deepankar, a leading dalit intellectual. "The dalits fear that Brahminical power will once again take away their source of pride, as they have done in the past by naming Tulsidas as the original writer of Ramayana instead of Ravidas."

Instances of similar nature must have alienated Ambedkar beyond hope. He said: "The old body must die before a new body can come into existence and a new life can enter into it. To put it simply, the old must cease to be operative before the new can begin to enliven and to pulsate. You must discard the authority of the shastras and destroy the religion of the shastra."

He could not make any dent. Hinduism stayed impenetrable, with all its prejudices. After living practically his entire life as a dalit, Ambedkar came to the conclusion that he could get dignity or honour only by renouncing Hinduism. Ironically, he stayed a ‘Hindu’ although he embraced Buddhism. In the constitution he had formulated, he had referred to Hindus as "persons professing the Sikh, Jain or Buddhist religion."