Strengthen delivery mechanism

As the government is engaged in preparing the annual budget for the fiscal year 2000-2001, the public as well as elite groups are equally eager to see what new and remarkable things the Nepali Congress’s majority government may propose for the country’s overall development. This time, unlike in previous years, the government plans to present the annual budget estimates well in advance, that is, by May-end or early June instead of the usual time, that is mid-July.

Obviously, this decision must have been made keeping in mind the fact that various government departments tend to rush-spend the budget just before the fiscal year ends. Apparently, the money is spent for the sake of spending it and also making commissions. There is no sincerity of purpose in such work. It is therefore to be hoped that the announcement of a pre-poned budget will effectively prevent such tendencies.

However, no one should be so naive as to believe that the spending will now be more prudent and on genuine works just because the timing of budget presentation has been advanced by a month or two. To achieve optimum budget expenditure, the government must devise a mechanism to monitor the way
the budget is spent by various departments and corporations. There must also be in place, stern punitive measures against those who misappropriate it.

The Finance Ministry solicited suggestions from members of parliament on the forthcoming annual budget the other day. This initiative is to be appreciated, for the suggestions should help planners understand the development priorities of the constituencies our lawmakers represent, as well as what they think are the national development priorities. Members of parliament are ultimately responsible for deciding the fate of any budget presented to the House. Hence, it will no doubt, be in line with democratic culture to incorporate their just concerns in the government’s financial proposal.

In this connection, the suggestion made by most MPs that priority be given to development works in the rural and remote parts of the country can only be regarded as timely and appropriate. But their suggestion that the fund allocated to each MP for development work in their constituencies be increased from the present 500,000 rupees twenty fold to a whopping 10 million rupees surely comes as a surprise. To say the least, this suggestion should not even be considered for a good number of reasons including the scope for corruption that is inherent in the disbursement system of such allocations. The way previous allocations were used must also be a criteria for disbursing development funds. For one, without transparency and accountability, the whole purpose of giving a certain amount of development fund to the MPs will be defeated.

Finance Minister Mahesh Acharya has said the forthcoming budget will stress on poverty alleviation, revenue increase, decentralization and economic liberalism, the same things as last year’s budget. These are indeed nice and pressing objectives. But objectives and programmes alone will not achieve anything. What we need is viable and concrete measures for attaining those objectives. And this imperative, the forthcoming budget cannot afford to ignore.

The proof, as always, will lie in the eating

By D L Bhandari

The much-hyped trip of Finance Minister Mahesh Acharya to the French capital, the manner in which he reportedly put across the country’s sad case to solicit enhanced aid commitment and of course the live press coverage he received across continents may be expected to have ushered the country into a new age if only the cash comes in to the tune pledged.

That is because the aid disbursement from the donors is becoming an unique phenomena by the year in the wake of all of them getting more and more conscious to the eventuality of the amount going down the drain in parts of the world where corruption and maladministration is a reality.

Hence, although the country has been pledged US$ 1,250 million, take it for granted that the final disbursement of aid may run barely into US$ 1000 million in the eventual run. One has to go into the history to believe and, of course, the web.

Another parameter of course will be the extent the planners squeal in unison when it comes to launch and commission projects if they have been identified at all. Nepal has been never known to abide by the right policies, rhetoric like the ones Acharya is dubiously famous for pronouncing notwithstanding.

Litany of hurdles: Before any one looks forward to celebrate the recent event, there is a need to point at the underlying issues surrounding the country’s development efforts something which have never seen marked changes in the way things are undertaken to do at the policy-making and implementation level.

The eternal problem has been that it takes eons for the project to come out from the pipeline if at all they come before, of course, the same end up commissioned in the most haphazard manner to the disenchantment of the donors. That the same also end up fuelling stories of graft and rot is something which is better left unsaid to avoid repetition.

More hurdles can be expected from the fact that the donors have started becoming more and more tough in setting condition of contract since the years the country found easy money coming its way. The trend now is to adopt a project-by-project approach which entails expeditious execution of job on one hand and conscientious work on all those projects which are in the pipeline and will be next taken up for funding on the other.

Moreover, in what may be said to be an effective weapon in the hand of the concerned donor countries, their envoys in the country’s capital have been empowered to a very great extent recently and enjoy a big say in the development projects: No further disbursement are made until and unless they countersign on the cheque issued.

Sadly enough for the administrators known for misappropriating the allocation, gone are the days when the amount pledged was telexed and the policy-makers expended on whichever projects came their way.

This is not all. As the reports suggest, Acharya has also pledged strong commitment to embark on yet another spell of disinvestment drive in the country something which the donors were on the lookout to see the policy-makers doing in right earnest with a semblance of political stability having come into place now.

The issue here again is how does the government expect to forge ahead in this front in the wake of highly mixed experience gathered in the tricky issue of disinvesting the state parastatals? So much so that reports of kickbacks start doing rounds before the actual process gets under way. Establishment cannot be more corrupt.

Although the failure of the experiment has been variously attributed to anything from not very right industrial and manufacturing culture to a lack of market, the underlying rot however (and something which the incumbent will have to improve) is the industrial, manufacturing and corporate culture.

All this is however easier said than done in the wake of the same having deteriorated beyond repair due largely to a number of reasons predominant among of them of course being absence of the genuine variety of entrepreneurs and right policing mechanism. As if this were not enough, Acharya has also pledged to embark on reforms in the bureaucracy. Although he has vehemently claimed to see all this through, we are however yet to hear from him as to how.

At this point of time, there is a need to remind ourselves that we are a nation where the commitments coming from members of the political establishment are soon buried in the political maelstrom even as the personal longevity receives precedence over general economic weal.

Moreover, as to what extent the incumbent finance minister may be able to defend the agenda pledged at the NDF meet in the party at a time when he is being considered as the finance minister responsible only to Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala is something which ought to be considered first before expecting miracles from him.

And all this at a time when the Nepali Congress is far from free of the intra-party wrangling with the incumbent parliamentary party leader likely to be challenged and voted out if the movement against him snowballs to any appreciable extent in the months ahead.

What this means is the government will be more preoccupied with the strategy to stay astraddle while the reform train may be left unattended in what may be said to be a derailment of the process before it sees the light of the day for the second time around. This, in turn, rules out any sea change on bureaucratic and developmental front something which may again go against the diktats of the NDF people which may ultimately adversely affect aid disbursement to the tune pledged.

Status Quo: Such being the possible state of affairs likely to hit the development aspirations for quiet sometime, Acharya’s elbow movement may be limited or so to say under the circumstances. Inter alia, this will translate into status quo on all the fronts with the country likely to end up no better than it is now.

As is understandable, he will, in all likelihood concentrate on meeting the basic minimum agenda and that too without even trying to bring about minimal desired changes in the system he is presiding over.

The likely guiding mantra will be "Live and Let Live" in a country which has always been in the grips of the mafiosi of every assorted variety always out there in the middle to arrest developments which they feel will not serve their purposes.

Therefore, considering for a moment that Acharya is determined to pull up surprises on all the fronts and is waxing eloquent on all this, the proof of the pudding however will, as always, lie in the eating as long as the optimism lasts and donors keep on reposing faith on what our politicos keep mouthing. It is still bilgy to lap up speeches.

Of strikes and bandhs

By Monica Upadhyay

Lock outs, strikes, Nepal Bandhs and chakka jams were the hot stuff of headlines in almost all dailies, supplements and magazines some time back.

These days strikes and bandhs sell like hot cakes though Nepal does not boast of a long history of such events. In the reign of Panchas, before democracy, we seldom heard of ‘bandhs’. We had some ‘school bandhs’ or ‘college bandhs’ but not ‘valley bandh’ or chakka jam.

‘Bandhs’ and strike first started as a form of protest. It was conjured up by student unions of the present ruling elite against the powerful Panchas. Gradually, as the Koiralas, the Bhattarais and the Adhikaris climbed the ladder, the system of Bandh also gained effective momentum. These days, strikes and bandhs’ have attained full maturity. Thanks to the trio’s efforts, Bandhs have now successfully spread their roots from streets to cities, from towns to village, from government firms to non-government private firms, schools and colleges.

The prime focus of all bandhs, gheraos and hadtals has always been the government. Like the demon Bhasmashur chasing Mahadev, bandhs, since the dawn of democracy have run after the ruling elite. Bandhs have now become a nightmare, a Frankenstein eager to pounce upon its own creators. Before democracy, there was a time when the present ruling elite themselves took part in bandhs and strikes. But today, the tables have turned. Whoever gets the chair becomes the ultimate victim.

Chakka jam, hadtal, ansan, gheraos, these are the many faces of the same coin. And all have one thing in common, a series of demands. A brief survey of present ‘ bandhs’ shows a range of interesting demands. Women committees these days do ‘ansan’ demanding male involvement in household chores, paternity leave for diaper changes and equal property share for lipstick and accessories. Students call campus bandh demanding removal of teacher (with or without cause), reduction in fees, against high percentage of failures and against privatisation of education. Likewise, transport authorities call ‘chakka jam’ demanding hike in transport fares while workers go for hadtal demanding higher wages, higher bonus, wage in holidays and bonus without profit?

In the name of bandhs and strikes, we Nepalese have poured all our contempt, dissatisfaction and disappointment. But the so called legal experts and intellectuals say we are doing things the other way. Most of out bandhs are without cause and hardly a few are well justified. Actually what bandh organizers need today is a committee to keep an eye on bandh norms and terms. So why not open an NGO to guide strikers with the ABC of strikes and to conduct local and international seminars on bandhs. We could even have a new bandh minister to watch the progress and success of bandhs and a bandh ministry to promote the present mushrooming Nepal bandhs. Meanwhile, before anything is done, the following points may prove helpful for those planning to call bandhs.

If you are a factory worker, call majdoor hadtals on topics that have been in vogue since the last few decades. Make demands for higher perks, for higher bonus, and reduced working hours for more incentives and facilities.

Campus is the main hub of bandhs. So if you are a student call campus bandhs making demands for easy questions, higher marks, loose examiners and the right to cheat.

If you are a political leader, call Nepal bandhs highlighting issues like inflation, corruption or toppling the guy at the helm.

If you are a feminist, take ansans on topics ranging from family problems equal share in both maternal and paternal property.

These points are sure to benefit professional bandh makers. But if any Tom Dick or Harry is eager to call a strike, he may invent a funny cause and at least go for ansan if he cannot call a bandh.

Parliamentary democracy and Nepal bandh

By Mithilesh Kumar Singh

Parliamentary democracy is a participatory system in which the people, the parliament and the government have their own responsibilities and roles to play. All must cooperate in making the democratic enterprise a success. Our constitution is a people’s document and in whatever we do, the ultimate point of reference is the people and if, therefore, government policies are to remain in a relationship of close and continuing responsiveness to the popular urges and expectations, it is obvious that administration should be looking up for inspiration and directional lead, to collective will and wishes of people's representatives in parliament.

In a parliamentary system based on executive accountability to the legislature, the latter is the link or the bridge between the people and the government. The people are the ultimate masters. If government is answerable to parliament, parliament is answerable to the people. It has to keep a vigilant eye on the administration to ensure that the laws and public policies are implemented efficiently and effectively, in a manner that causes no injustice or undue hardship to any individual or any section of society. Parliamentary democracy demands more ability and devotion to work from people. Sense of cooperation, self discipline and restraint are other requirements for it to succeed.

Democracy is a system in which no one can choose himself to invest unlimited power to rule. While defining democracy, Dahl has outlined eight variables, of them three are effective ones--competition, participation and civil and political rights.

In the era of globalization, parliamentary democracy means economic democracy. It may take different forms but only in the measure that solves the economic problems does it succeed even in political filed. If the economic problems are not solved the political structure tends to weaken and crack up. Prof Amartya Sen has rightly stated "national security in the most basic sense is economic security and survival of the people." This is high time to privatize all state owned companies. We should invite multinational companies. It's not business of government to do business. The main function of government should be to maintain law and order and to develop infrastructure for industries. State owned companies are compelled to buy high and sell low. They often do not have freedom to procure their raw material from the open competitive market but are forced to buy from highest bidder or another government monopoly. They are asked to sell at price below cost. In any private enterprise, the owner is entitled to question factors of cost efficiency and devise ways to improve them. Where the public sector is concerned, it is exact reverse. As parliamentary democracy is becoming more and more common, it is also seeming insufficient for the world’s problems. In the era of globalization our leaders are too small to solve big problems and too big to solve small problems. Business today is conducted through electronic (e) commerce or e-business; government operations through e-governance; education and learning is through e-education; citizens have become Netizens.

Basic problems we are facing now are uncontrolled pollution and deteriorating law and order situation in the country. If mankind is to live in minimum comfort as a single family, and if intrusive tensions and strains are to be avoided, pollution control is not only desirable but necessary.
There can be no doubt that the freighting growth of world pollution is one of the strongest forces shaping the future of human society.

Population is another problem with us. It took mankind one million years to reach the first billion; that was the world population around the year 1800. By 1900, in just hundred years, a second billion was added. And present world population is nearly six billion and nine tenth of the increase is in developing countries. In every five days the world population increases by one million. Fertility falls as income rise, education spreads and health improves. The rich get righer and the poor get children which helps to keep them poor. More children does not mean more workers but more people without work. Our population has reached 22.5 million. It is supposed to reach 40 million by 2030. Development, girls education and good entertainment is the best ways to control population.

On June 23, 1946 Albert Einstein said in New York Times magazine that "our defence is not in armaments nor in science nor in going under ground. Our defense is in law and order." Presently we have more laws but less orders. Fish die when they are out of water, the people die without law and order. Revolt and terror pay price. Nobody has a more sacred obligation to obey the law than those who make it. To quote Thomas Jefferson, "the execution of laws is more important than the making of them." The nation is constituted of individual citizens. If the citizens are strong, efficient, industrious and self-sacrificing, the nation becomes great; if individuals are selfish, immoral, idle and corrupt, it would be a sad nation indeed. For solving any problems, we believe in arguments not in discussions. But in argument, you always lose--that is, if you win you lose, if you lose you lose. Discussion is an exchange of knowledge; arguments are exchange of ignorance. World history moves in cycles. High ethical times are succeeded by low, decadent decades. Today we are at the nadir of moral values. The size of crimes and armed violence which is so huge as to baffle criminologists, is symptomatic of our ethical degradation. A commercial recession can be quickly transformed into a buoyant economy; but a moral recession cannot be shaken off for years. Napoleon Bonaparte once said, "There are two powers in world, sword and spirit, and in the end spirit overcomes the sword." In democracies, we discuss differences but we discuss them in friendly manner. Government should not think that manifesto of party is to make people fool before election and agenda to make fool after election. To quote Ravindra Nath Tagore "the weak in their weakness can do no less harm to the strong than the strong in their strength to the weak." When God closes all doors he opens a window somewhere. Nothing is non negotiable, only something is hard to negotiate. All our problems whether big or small can be solved if we are faithful in small things. We believe in the Darwinian dictum that things are always better in future.

It is said that Ved Vyasa had himself made the horoscope of Duryodhana and predicated that Duryodhana would be a great and invincible monarch, and have a long life. When Duryodhana was killed people asked Ved Vyasa why his predication did not come true. Ved Vyasa replied that it was because of his unbecoming actions which negated the beneficial impact of starts. Periodical general strikes (Nepal bandhs) and strikes by opposition parties and groups relay negative message to people. We should learn from the Mahabharat. We have pygmies, strutting about like titans. They are like grandchildren who, wearing their grandfather’s shoes, attempt to walk tall but are bound to fall because of the inherent instability.