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The other day, some political There are a number of things unnecessary political interference and
rampant corruption and political protection for the unscrupulous- that have rendered the
country's civil service virtually non-functioning. This has arrested economic growth,
affected changes and encouraged dishonesty in the service. In fact, there is a nexus
between political leaders and bureaucrats which has been eating at the roots of
development and administrative performance. This apart, nepotism, cronyism and sycophancy
are other factors that have led to the degeneration of the bureaucracy. Bureaucrats run
around political bosses to fulfill their vested interests instead The Commission for Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA) the
corruption fighting body has also become a tool in the hands of political leaders to
protect themselves from corruption charges. With every change of guard there are massive
changes in state owned corporations which have been turned into recruitment centres by
political leaders. They have not only spoilt the environment of government offices but
also encouraged moves to sack the appointees of previous governments in the name of
providing good governance by replacing them with new appointees. Due, largely to this,
government offices have become overstaffed; and this is no doubt a chronic problem. It is true that the government has come out with no concrete By R P Subba Despite consistent efforts to UNHCR: Months after UNHCR High Commissioner, Sadako Ogata visited
Bhutan and the refugee camps in Jhapa, there appears no bright prospects for the
repatriation process in sight. Speaking at Beldangi camp, Ogata had publicly assured the
refugees that repatriation would take place very soon. She also assured UNHCR's
support would be forthcoming if the deciding parties felt necessary. Her motive was good
and humanitarian. The assurances were taken seriously by Bhutanese refugees. Around
the refugee camps, Ogata is still remembered and her assurances recalled. Even the
Nepalese Government and aid agencies working in the camps were delighted. Her address was
taken as a new beginning. The expectations were simply too high. Whether or not her
mission will lead to any meaningful action, is for time to test. At present, UNHCR is hard pressed to do something very urgent. In
honestly apprising the Bhutanese authorities, Ogata placed her own image and that of
UNHCR's at the stake. This forces the UNHCR to make the case of repatriation of
Bhutanese refugees a priority. But UNHCR seems to be heavily pitted against odds with
Bhutan if the events occurring inside the kingdom, should offer any insight into the
regime's real intentions. On the day Ogata was delivering her speech at Beldangi refugee
camp, Bhutanese authorities were busy shifting six trucks of northern Bhutanese for new
settlement in the lands left behind by the refugees in Chirang district. After Chirang,
priority has been shifted to Samchi district where the resettlement strategy is now
focused. Resettlement in Dagana, Sarbhang and Samdrupjongkhar districts have almost been
completed. The 8th round of Nepal-Bhutan bilateral talks, which took place in
the background of Ogata's visit to Bhutan too, achieved nothing despite the euphoria it
had generated. The much awaited 78th National Assembly session actually indicated a drive
in the reverse gear. The government has failed to appreciate the symbolic meaning of
international cooperation intended solve the problems of its making. It is a recognised fact that the Bhutanese regime plays its game
through doublespeak. Its actions bear a purpose and a mission. By behaving well with
Ogata, the regime intended to deflate international opinion going against Bhutan and
through the resettlement program, the regime intended to revoke the right of citizens to
return. This was apparent in the decision of the recent National Assembly session, which
categorized all refugees as 'terrorist groups'. This is indicative of the mental poverty
running the show in Bhutan. The regime has failed to understand that terrorists will
participate in anything but peaceful rallies. Neither would peaceful demonstrators take up
terrorist activities. It is clear that the regime's only goal is to immobilize the
opposition or to block the efforts for the repatriation of refugees. Under the present scenario, it is anyone's guess that UNHCR may be
facing the following dilemma, namely, whether to serve as a conduit for the return of the
refugees en masse or to adopt a simple face saving strategy. Circumscribed, as it is, the
UNHCR might compromise on the first and adopt the second. It has been currently sensed
that the issue of prestige has become more important to UNHCR than the issue of
repatriation. Therefore, it would not be very surprising if the UNHCR came up
with a request proposal to the Royal Government of Bhutan to accept back the smallest
fraction of refugees. Numbers, not repatriation has become the actual matter of concern.
The possible time frame for such repatriation is December 2000 when Ogata's term in
office ends. Such a strategy would hurt rather than help the cause of Bhutanese
refugees. Given the UNHCR's position, Bhutan will further
encouraged to manipulate. Given the regime's traditional position on refugees, it is
unlikely that Bhutan will ever agree or concede to voluntarily repatriate a single
individual to Bhutan. Nepal: This is also not in the interest of Nepal. The Nepalese
government is very fearful about assimilating Bhutanese refugees. This is because Nepal
essentially views that it is not going to be an issue of one hundred thousand Bhutanese
refugees only. Assimilating the Bhutanese refugees means opening the floodgates for over
ten million Nepali speaking people living outside Nepal. Political conditions force people
to move into Nepal even if the economic circumstances do not encourage it. There are still
three hundred thousand Bhutanese Gorkhas in Bhutan whose next destiny will be Nepal. With
the anti-foreigner movement picking up sporadic intensity in the northeast, already some
people are pouring into Nepal. Similar types of people can come from Assam, Burma
and elsewhere. Nepali speaking population settled outside Nepal have never been
very stable. Such inflow of outsiders into Nepal will definitely cause severe strain on
the limited resources in Nepal. It will also have its own share of political problems.
Nepal must strongly guard against any tendency to assimilate outsiders. Therefore, for Nepal, Bhutanese refugees symbolize just the tip of
the iceberg. The issue needs timely and proper treatment. This is where the
repatriation of Bhutanese refugees becomes important. The repatriation must be complete
and has to take place soon. On top of this, the Nepalese government must encourage any
genuine effort made by refugees to assert their right to return. By Keshab Raj Acharya Backbiting is a very easygoing No matter who bag the chairs in the cabinet, the government is for
all. What is noteworthy is that if we and our party are at bay we quickly develop a
negative approach. Many times we happen to speak ill of it and even sometime we curse it
and spit at it even if it is on the right track. The present government has just announced
the def budget, but for whom? The stevedore knot of friendly affairs with neighbouring
countries has been tightened, but for whom? The remuneration has been propagated over the
expectation, but for whom? Aren't all these even for those who throw down the gauntlet
against the government? A few years back, water pollution seized the mirth of the then
government. With a think on the impending bad results, a bulky project swung round the
Bagmati. We must not forget that the Melamchi will flow at every corner of Kathmandu city
very soon. But for this, some parties lulled donor agencies and other laughed at them
scornfully. But the people-service-oriented government never did fall asleep. After it
maturies, how beautiful will be clean, green and healthy Kathmandu! How sturdy and wealthy
will Kathmanduites be. Though not pre-planned, the roads here get decked as soon as
hollows appear. I wonder if you can remove the mask to show the lovely smile on the
pavement. Do we know how much garbage, rubbish, sewage and excrement the government pains
to dump? Whatever may be the case, the government has courageously faced even
unprecedented challenges. Government's working will always light the lamp of progress and
development. But still why do we stare at it? Why do we scoff at it? It is okay not to let
it go astray. To scourge the government to catch the right track is our onus but can't we,
sometimes, speak for it? Being choked by the lethal air pollution, the government was
shocked and tried to release us from suffocation. Two three years back, the then
government forecast that Kathmandu would very soon be pregnated by dark, formless, mute
and terrifying form of smoky lethal monstrosity. So smoke-checking system was carried out and Bikram tempos received
adieu to be garlanded by the outlying cities. Recently, new and novel plans have been born
and credited. The reveries of been revamped. Thanks to the Prime Minister's intervention. In order to quit our frequent communion with health workers, major
factories and industries were curtailed. The government is not trying to lull
us but to pull us in the path of development. But none looks cheerful, rather sputter bitterly at it, why? The long indefatigable endeavour of the government to make you feel
you are living in the second Switzerland. With them all the best. Thanks to the
government for giving them prodigious birth to trot on the newly adorned streets of our
clean, green and healthy Kathmandu. Our duty is to foster and coddle them as our own kids.
How great Kathmanduites are! However, I still can't help praising the strategies of the
government herein. Improving environment for direct foreign investment By KU & PK In recent years, the scope of private Substantial initiative has been taken throughout the nation for
privatization because privatization has been given top priority. The government is
increasingly focusing on the strengthening the legal framework of both laws and
institutions to support those activities and make efforts to reform the legal and
regulatory environment for business. In this context, the Privatization Act enacted in
1994 has had a beneficial effect, and the 'one window' policy implemented since 1993 has
contributed significantly to limiting the constraints faced by foreign investors. One of
the major setbacks for privatization of public enterprises, however, has been the
inability of relevant authorities to bring a set of rules and regulations to guide
the privatization process. It is for this reason that despite the continuous effort of the
government to attract direct foreign investment; investors remain at arms length.
The long process of decision making, lack of respect for international norms concerning
bidding as well as transparency have been identified as some key hurdles on the way of
privatization. Apart from other regulatory steps, transparency is one basic
element of the entire process which will strengthen privatization effort and provide the
entire process a firm footing but this has been found to be grossly missing from the whole
scenario of privatization. Lack of it has resulted in suspicion in the minds of potential
investors which has resulted in the continuous weathering of confidence in the government.
Rumours of corruption, favouritism as well as pressure on the part of donor agencies have
to a certain extent, slowed the entire process of privatization. This would not have been
the case if the government had issued a set of rules and regulations which, it
seems, the Ministry of Finance is planning to introduce within the next few months. Clearly, if the legal or institutional infrastructure is weak, the
consequence is likely to be that potential investors will be more risk-averse and as a
consequence the influx of foreign technology and capital will be reduced. Foreign
investors will be particularly concerned about the legal uncertainty. Private business
needs to ensure that there is a reliable system available to enforce contracts that they
may enter into. If not, on the one hand, foreign investors will be reluctant to deal with
'strangers' which is interpreted as the unknown laws and unknown parties, and on the
other, pressure to integrate functions in-house will grow, even if such functions could be
more efficiently provided by outsiders. Ultimately, consumers will be victimized. Quite systematically, the measures to build confidence in an
existing institutional framework should be accompanied by increasing attention to the
functioning of the legal and judicial system itself which, however, has generally been
marginal in Nepal. Reforming the system, indeed, is complex and time consuming, especially
where there is a mix of traditional religious law, new legislation (often conflicting),
and decrees, ordinances from the state apparatus which are subjected to frequent and
haphazard modifications. On the whole, the application of laws and regulations yet remains
relatively arbitrary and therefore an uncertain means of enforcing contracts. Moreover,
difficulty in obtaining information about laws which is common throughout the country only
but intensifies the problem. Indeed, privatization is both a process and a transaction. To
succeed as a process it needs a clear institutional authority, a stable set of rules such
as selection, restructuring corporatization, employee rights, treatment of liabilities,
right of foreign bidders and bidding procedures, and special laws defining and protecting
the rights of the private sector. Translating these general principles into an effective
legal framework remains a challenge for the government. Therefore, if the government
wishes the country to continue achieving the goal of an efficient and successful
privatization programme, more intensive but pragmatic approach needs to be adopted. Meanwhile, the administrative position of the government should be
non-discriminatory and should not jeopardize the interest of small entrepreneurs. The
government machinery should ensure efficient and unbiased implementation of applicable
procedures. It is being done but more needs to be done to build investor's confidence. If
the need arises, there should be massive--real and visible--shake up in the bureaucracy in
order to reduce red tape, to solve practical problems that the businesses face and to gain
investor's total confidence. The government also needs to take honest initiative in
shortening the time taken for making decisions because of which, in the past, several
potential investors have shied away from Nepal and invested in neighbouring countries. Nepal has so far privatized 17 public enterprises. Except for
Agriculture Tools Factory, Raw Hide Collection and Processing Corporation and Biratnagar
Jute Mills the privatized enterprises are doing fine. The success of Nepal Foundry,
Bhrikuti Paper and Pulp Factory, Nepal Bitumin Factory has sent encouraging messages which
need to be tapped. There are 43 other public enterprises to be privatized in the near
future. The Ministry of Information and Communication (MOIC) has taken the lead in this
contest. MOIC has sent a letter to the Privatization Cell to initiate the
privatization of Nepal Telecommunication Corporation (NTC) which has been enjoying
monopoly of the telecommunication sector. The other institution which MOIC wants to
privatize is Gorkhapatra Corporation, the existence of which time and again sparks debate
about state involvement in the publication industry. In general, the privatization process in Nepal should be judged as
successful. There are some sporadic instances of failure of some companies because of
internal problems relating to management. In such instances, it is imperative to have
alternative mechanism for problem solving. The implementing authority should encourage
dispute resolution mechanism--inter alia, arbitration--to settle disputes between private
parties and the government or between the private parties and employees. Nepal also needs
to do some serious homework to frame a set of laws governing employees of private as well
as public enterprises. Such a law should protect the legal, economic rights of
employees but it should also make them more responsible and disciplined because no
investor wants labour unrest. Problems relating to labour unrest have been a major
discouraging factor for direct foreign investors in many developing as well as developed
countries and that could also apply in the case of Nepal. Privatization is indeed a right step towards reducing state burden
and curing the systemic illness of flow of scarce state resources in unproductive sectors.
Government has, indeed, no business doing business but the government's business is to
ensure the smooth operation and success of privatized enterprises. After all, it is the
success story which will encourage private investors, either national or foreign, to step
forward and invest. |
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