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The
decision taken by Nepal Oil Corporation (NOC) to distribute kerosene under
quota system to prevent hoarding and cross border smuggling does not
appear to be in the right direction. This is because most of the poor
households are dependent on kerosene and any short supply of this
commodity is bound to hit them more than others. What is more, any move
from either Nepal or India to change the existing kerosene price has often
led to cross border smuggling due to the unregulated open border. Besides,
the nexus between smugglers and businessmen has also hampered the
distribution of kerosene, particularly in border areas. Any
hike in prices of petroleum products in India has always inspired hoarding
in the border towns and cross border smuggling. In such situations, Nepal
loses millions of rupees in terms of revenue. Again, the chief culprit
seems to be none other than the same unregulated open border. But unlike
in the past, the government has now announced the quota system of
distribution for kerosene, particularly in areas bordering with India. In
fact, the price of kerosene in Nepal remains lower even after the hike to
a level corresponding the Indian market price. Nepal
Oil Corporation may not have failed to ensure adequate supply of
kerosene for people in these border areas but the difference in prices has
encouraged unscrupulous tendencies among businessmen in these areas. As a
result, many consumers who depend on kerosene for cooking and heating have
been badly affected. This would certainly not have happened if NOC had not
reduced the supply of kerosene by 25 percent. The
country’s terai region requires approximately 2.6 million litres of
kerosene every year and 60 percent of the region’s total population
depend entirely on it for fuel. In spite of the fact that there are more
than one hundred suppliers recruited to distribute kerosene in the terai
region, consumers still need to spend hours in queue just for one litre of
the commodity. Unlike
in India, Nepal has not yet introduced the ration card system wherein the
government supplies essential commodities including kerosene at subsidized
rates. Due to this, most suppliers either hoard or smuggle essential
commodities into India, for the price of kerosene still remains higher in
the open Indian market. The government has not been able to control cross
border smuggling but it is now high time that it realised that the open
border system has done more harm to Nepal than to India. The loss is not
only in terms of revenue worth millions of rupees but also in terms of
social security, as cross border crimes are also rising. So that the
situation does not get worse, the government should raise the border issue
with India without any delay or introduce an improved mechanism to
regulate cross border movement and check illegal activities. East-West
family values & development -By C D Bhatta When
the ‘miracle’ of East Asian growth was being acclaimed around
the world, an interesting and challenging conclusion drawn by many was
that rapid growth in this region was not only due to economic
policies but also because of superior East Asian values, which involved a
blending of the world’s greatest intellectual traditions. Lee
Kuan Yew of Singapore and Mahathir Mohammad of Malaysia have, in
particular, denounced western values, especially western family norms. Almost
every second marriage in the US ends in divorce, living together without
marriage is common. It is not surprising to see a mother without hubby and
children without father in the western world. Almost one-third of the
children are born outside wedlock. Children of broken homes often fall
prey to crime and drugs. President Clinton’s popularity rating soars
with every new sex scandal. The steep fall in family values with its
terrible impact on children of split homes is evident beyond doubt in
western countries. Thus Malaysia’s prime minister made the bold
assertion: “Asian values are universal values. European values are
European values.” Asian
values include “attachment to the family as an institution, deference to
social interests, thrift, conservatism in social morals, and respect for
authority.” Family values in East Asia and South Asia are idyllic.
Divorce rate is very low. Living together without marriage is impossible.
Juvenile crime and drug use rate are very low when compared to the West.
There is hardly any South Asian leader who is divorced or involved in a
sex scandal. However,
in East Asia, and more in South Asia, strong attachment to family leads to
other problems. We have dynastic democracies in India, Pakistan, Nepal,
Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. Three generations of the Nehru family ruled over
India for almost four decades. And now an Italian lady who was married to
Nehru’s grandson has become the head of Congress Party and may become
India’s prime minister. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and his daughter Benazir
have held power in Pakistan. The Bandaranaike family has a similar
position in Sri Lanka and Koiralas and others in Nepal are following the
same footsteps. Even
in China, Mr Li Peng, who has recently stepped down as prime
minister after a ten-year stint, is the adopted son of the great Chinese
leader Zhou Enlai (who had no children of his own). Mr Lee Kuan Yew’s
son is part of the current Singapore cabinet. In Saudi Arabia, the country
belongs to be the House of Saud, and is named after it. In Indonesia,
Suharto had made his daughter a cabinet minister, after pampering his
family with billions of rupees transferred to them through official
patronage. Saddam Hussein continues to rule over Iraq despite the colossal
damage he has done to his country and the region. The
recent meltdown in East Asia has revealed the other side of Asian values.
Attachment to the family becomes nepotism; social relationships, rather
than formal and legal contracts, lead to inevitable cronyism. Consensus
converts into clannishness and corrupt politics. Conservatism and respect
for authority turn into rigidity and an inability to innovate.
Much-vaunted educational accomplishments are no better than rote-learning. This
explains the pervasive spirit of conformism and a reluctance to question
those in authority. While the fantastic economic progress in East Asia was
supposed to be due to Asian values, the recent meltdown which is financial
and not economic, is also ascribed to the flip side of ‘Asian values’. For
Asian values, the family seems to be at the base of it all. Whereas strong
family ties are good for social progress, morality, proper upbringing of
children, and low rate of crime and delinquency, strong family attachment
has adverse implications also. But the worst implication of family
attachment is that it does not end at the political level but extends to
the economic sphere as well. The
phrase “crony capitalism” has gained wide currency, indicating that
Asian capitalism is largely based on family connections and patronage as
opposed to western capitalism, which is based on entrepreneurship. Bill
Gates has become the richest executive in the western world not because of
his family connection but as a result of innovation, initiative and
enterprise. The system allows poor lads like Bill Clinton to become
President of the most powerful country in the world, and a grocer’s
daughter (Mrs Thatcher) or a trapeze artist’s son (John Major) to become
prime minister of Conservative Britain. Family wealth after high death
duties (which, strangely, hardly exist in Asian countries) does pass down
to the next generation but the Chief Executive Officer’s job is
rarely, if ever, inherited. In
almost every Asian country, including Japan, loans are often given on the
basis of family or political connections. No wonder, all these countries
have a large portfolio of bad debts. One of the main reasons of the recent
East Asian turmoil was bad debts given on non-economic considerations.
Depositors’ money is rarely treated as a sacred trust by the banks. The
problem would not have been so severe if domestic money was given on
family considerations, but foreign exchange borrowed on short-term
maturity was lent on long-term maturity to doubtful parties. And when the
confidence of foreign lenders was shaken and they asked for recall of
their capital, the currency exchange rates and stock market indices
crashed in no time. Conservatism
is a core Asian value. For developing countries conservatism in financial
policies is indispensable. Making their currencies fully convertible and
allowing free movement of long-term and specially short-term capital was
highly imprudent. China, which pursued conservative financial policies and
did not expose its economy to international speculators, has been
relatively unaffected by the East Asian financial crisis, and it did not
devalue its currency. Similarly,
Hong Kong, Singapore and Taiwan were less affected because they had very
high levels of foreign exchange reserves. Thailand, Malaysia, South Korea,
and worst of all, Indonesia faced sharp contractions in GNP along with a
fall in their stock markets. By throwing financial conservatism to the
winds and with full and unregulated exposure to speculative global
markets, these countries were exploited by international financiers and
footloose investors. Forsaking conservatism, a core value, was fatal for
East Asian countries. Asians
are correct in emphasizing the importance of family values for social
cohesion and overall progress of the human family. They are also correct
in denouncing the moral decadence of the West, which through its control
of the dominant multimedia is also corrupting the young in Asian
countries. But Asians must also recognize the hazards of extending family
bonds and loyalty to politics, finance and business. It
is better to keep family and politics apart, as it is to keep family and
finance apart. In the age of globalization, instant connections, universal
access to all types of information, and free international market for all
currencies, financial mismanagement and bad loans to cronies will
definitely bring down any financial system and institution. Yamaichi
securities, Japan’s second biggest brokerage house, was forced to close
down as a consequence of mismanagement and cronyism. Japanese economy is
stagnating now, after remarkable growth for a long time, largely because
of bad financial management. Bad loans are given mostly to family members
or cronies or influential people whom the institutions are too weak to
turn away. Stress on family values as such must not lead to crony
capitalism as it is bound Summing
up, Asian family values are great values but they must never forget
that ‘family values’ should never be stressed at the cost of
institutional development, and family considerations must never flow into
the financial field. The limits to family loyalty must be recognized and
financial conservatism must never be forsaken. Otherwise the morally
decadent West will continue to dominate them well into the next
millennium, because its political and financial systems and institutions
are far more efficient and vigorous. -By Min Prasad Bhandari Ihad
never known the true meaning of the word "satisfaction"
until I came across a young boy of around ten at a hotel. After
a late lunch I had just sat down with a newspaper when the commanding
voice of man to a little boy ended with the words “have it all”. This
in itself was not particularly striking, but the noise that followed the
man’s voice was unusual and drew my attention. It appeared as if someone
was being ridiculed and that the rest of the others were enjoying. Putting
off my reading, I headed towards the noise to see a small untidy boy
clearing up the plates. The second glance at the standing crowd showed
them as waiting for their turn to take the food. I didn’t see through
anything of that sort that could have caused such an eruption. I dragged
myself back to the chair and sat down attempting to read the paper. Obsessed
as I was with the previous noise, I could not continue with the news and
got up to leave. No sooner had I gotten up from the chair than my eyes
fell upon the same shabby little figure who clearing up the plates with
two others this time amid laughter with brightness on the faces. Standing
at a few yards’ distance, I could notice their unusual happiness. I
desired to know what the matter was. With a detective mind I crept
toward them until my way was blocked by an unusual smell reeking from
those unwashed clothes and bodies. I stood where I had reached silent and
alert wondering still why I should get entangled with those neglected
figures because, never before had I been concerned with petty human
affairs. Yet, some kind of curiosity captivated my mind compelling me to
stay longer. Standing as a spy, I made every attempt to escape their
attention. Except for occasional glances, I kept busy taking groundnuts. With
the first few glances, my mission looked unlikely to come to an end.
So, I made a further move by which I was able to see beside a huge pile of
empty kitchen utensils a plate guarded by the three. What appeared on it
was contemptible foodstuff as disordered as twigs in a crow’s nest. Deep
into the pile, the little claws seemed to be dipping like vultures on a
carcass tearing off the heap impatiently and taking it to their mouths
mechanically. Seeing them swallow the food rapidly, I inferred that they
were eating something which they had long been desiring. Half
content with my poor investigation, I thought of going toward the bus
which deafened passengers with its horn. But them, I heard one
of them say” We are lucky enough that sick looking old man kindly threw
more than half of his food on the plate. Like a chilly northern wind
something pierced inside me. I knew that those children were no more dish
washers, but dishwashers. For their living they were collecting food
remains grain by grain like a bird. What was waste for the others was life
for them. They were struggling to collect their happiness with pieces from
the helpless plates. People’s buffoonery had no effect on them in their
struggle. Confounded by the new discovery, I rushed to my seat with my eyes wet. For a moment all my previous memories were forgotten. But, what I could not forget was the glow of satisfaction shining on their faces. What was significant was that even with the leftover food they looked quite happy and content while the relatively better off people looked gloomy and suffered in their everyday life being unable to satisfy their desires. Governance
: Mistaking the wood for trees -By Dr Hiramani Ghimire Voices
against the poor performance of government are becoming louder everyday.
The government has promised to the people a decent future. Accordingly, a
number of policy announcements have been made. In terms of achievement,
these initiatives have become a Sisyphian work: very hard, but fruitless.
The pursuit of progress must be sustained. But how? Reduced
role: Governments are supposed to “govern”. Increasingly, the
capacity to govern is eroding. There are two main reasons for it. Firstly,
value premises of those to be governed have changed. In fact, nobody wants
to be governed any more. Calls for autonomy and self-rule (in various
forms) are a case in point. And secondly, government institutions have
failed to deliver what was expected of them, inviting questions over
legitimacy. Internally, they are characterised by ineffective leadership
and corruption. Externally, they are facing pressure from the need to
reconcile “globalisation” with “localisation” as well as the
“economic society” with civil society. These internal or external
factors must be properly addressed if governance is to improve. Point
of departure: In the era of “strategic goals” and “perspective
plans” policymakers need to look beyond their terms of office. Leaders
are supposed to be pragmatic dreamers. They should be able to say what
they have dreamt of. And that too needs to be presented in understandable
language. This has not happened. Perhaps, the government is doing too many
things. Some of them are important. Others are urgent. One should be able
to make a distinction between the two. Former US president General
Eisenhower once said, “I have two types of functions: important and
urgent. The important are not urgent and the urgent are not important.
Once urgency and importance are determined, agencies (not necessarily in
the public sector) need to be identified with procedures clearly set out
for them. Need
for independent policy, institutions: Creating a decent future
requires the ability to see things in advance. Government organisations
always busy attending to the immediate (“urgent”) needs do not have
this ability. Also, they are overburdened with “rules”.
Self-motivation is the other missing element with them. Experiences in
many other countries show that independent agencies entrusted with policy
thinking (“think tanks”) are more appropriate in this regard. It is
time the government recognised them. Development
management requires policy consistency. In today’s development
environment things are changing too quickly, and the time available to
evaluate alternative courses of action has shortened dramatically. The
process of “discontinuous change” has rendered traditional policy
thinking insufficient. That is why most development activities suffer from
policy deficiency. This applies also to development initiatives in Nepal. It
has been increasingly felt that holistic approach rather than the
traditionally adopted “scientific approach” should influence
development planning in order to achieve a balance between short and
long-term solutions. Innovations are the order of the day. As is often
observed, policymakers have to “think the unthinkable”. A number of
government agencies in Nepal are involved in policymaking. Yet, the
quality of public policies is much to be desired. With
the policy of economic liberalisation, market forces have become stronger.
Planning as magical short cut does not exist any more. However,
development cannot be handed over to the market. In course of
liberalisation, present and inter-generational equity must be stressed. It
is equally important to enhance the competitive capacity of the people
through specially designed human development measures. The state must
therefore assume the role of an enabling agency. The government has to be
more active in “steering” and less so in “rowing”. Obviously,
steering demands a high level of intellectual exercise. Policy
failures in the past were associated with the planners’ inability to set
priorities and “posteriorities” right. Bad policies were often
associated with good politics. The public sector, and especially the civil
service, was not only omnipresent but also omnipotent. In the changed
context, it has become desirable to involve non-civil service
experts, including academicians, in policymaking. In
the present organisational set-up, there are a number of institutions,
which undertake policy initiatives. Parliamentary committees, cabinet
committees, Prime Minister’s Office, National Development Action
Committee, CEDA and National Planning Commission are examples of
specialised bodies for policy review. The NPC is prominent among them.
However, during the last 40 years it has remained obsessed with mechanical
target-setting and sectoral allocation of resources. As a semi-political
body, it has not been able to deliver what was expected of it. The
problem of policy failure is very much evident and acutely felt in Nepal
in recent years. Four decades of experience with planning exercise has
been proven to be “planning without implementation”. The incidence of
poverty has been worsening despite the “efforts” of planners to curb
it. For the last 20 years, the economy has been characterised by what may
be termed as “dynamic stagnation”. In
the war against poverty some neighbouring countries, notably India and
Pakistan have gained some success. Nepal, however, has remained where it
was. Even in terms of human development, Nepal has shown poor performance.
This is clearly an indication of policy failure. Institutional aspects of
policymaking should be re-examined in this context. It
is not that the government is not aware of the need for a bond between
promise and performance. The Agricultural Perspective Plan and the Ninth
Plan, for instance, have tried to bring together ideas and approaches
endorsed by development experts in various parts of the world. The aim is
to reduce poverty. In addressing the problems of poverty, these plans go
beyond achieving higher agricultural and industrial production. They also
try to enhance the distributive capacity to ensure social equity. This
cannot be achieved without substantive changes in the usual mode of
institutional behaviour and standard operating procedures. The
appropriateness of development policies is a much-debated subject.
Experience of the last 50 years shows that there is no key policy for
development. Instead, there are many interdependent policies. Similarly,
there are many institutions for policy undertaking. The government has a
vital role to play. However, it cannot minimize the role of other agencies
operating in the private or the non-governmental sectors. An organisation
operating outside the premises of regular bureaucracy standing in intimate
interaction with different agencies, including civil society can help
reorient the policy process. Such an organisation could aim not only at
transferring knowledge and experience from abroad but also testing their
validity in the Nepali context. The time factor: The government can, of course, take time to implement reform measures. This will however come at a heavy price. The World Development Report (1999/2000) prepared by the World Bank warns that the forces of globalisation influence policymaking in such a manner that rewards for successful development strategies and punishments for failure are likely to be greater and faster than in the past. Obviously, new ventures are in order. One cannot create a future merely by prolonging the past. |
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