Unwarranted strike

The nationwide general strike  called by main opposition CPN- UML the other day  paralyzed normal life and all “business activities” throughout the country. The UML, which was so prompt to call the strike a complete success, has unfortunately chosen to ignore that such activities do more harm than good. For one, they do nothing by way of protecting the people’s interest. Given the extent of economic loss the country has had to bear as a result of the strike, the UML or any other responsible party cannot justify such strikes on the ground that this was the only way to press demands and make its point. Neither can the strike be called a “success” simply because business establishments were closed and transports were off the road. If inconveniencing the people is the yardstick with which to measure success, Monday's general strike was no doubt successful, as it  brought the nation to a complete standstill.

By the same token, the UML claim that the strike was peaceful cannot be taken at face value. For scores of witnesses saw UML activists pelt stones at vehicles and manhandle private vehicle drivers. They even forced the closure of educational institutions in order to make the strike a “success”.  But  has the strike stopped what UML calls “congressization” of administration, widespread corruption and price hike? How much government attention did the strike manage to draw towards the “deteriorating law and order” situation in the country when supporters of the strike themselves resorted to unlawful means to close shops and prevent vehicles from plying?

Given the frequency of bandhs, it appears to have become the only instrument for pressing demands, as far as opposition parties are concerned. But is this really so ? Does the opposition in democracies like Great Britain or, for that matter  the US, call for bandhs ? Of course not. Yet, they have been immensely successful in highlighting issues of general concern. All this only goes to prove that democracy is not something to be defined in the way it suits one.

This, however, does not at all mean that the ruling establishment is beyond reproach under circumstances when corruption in public life has evolved as a fine art and law enforcing agencies have failed to ensure public safety. The issue of bringing to book the corrupt has remained in paper only. And this is precisely what is happening in the country regardless of which party is in power. On the other hand, it is ironical that the opposition should come up with a set of demands that they had themselves ignored while in power. Who does not know that inflation had not gone up during the period when UML was in power? The truth is that none of the parties have tried to curb the evils in the country because these evils are only things to beat around with for opposition parties.

In these circumstances, there is nothing to be achieved other than to give discomfort to the people. If the UML has matured and graduated from street politics, then it should refrain from indulging in such bandhs in future.

The rhetoric of corruption control

By Basanta Lohani

The one who pledges to stop drinking does not recognise the unbearably painful withdrawal symptoms. The alcohol level in his blood has already risen to such an alarming level that he cannot function without it. The same person later tells his friends: “You know the doctor has advised me to drink moderately everyday on medical grounds.” This is a typical story of those who have surpassed in drinking. Almost the same is the case with corruption in Nepal with its far reaching political and social consequences.

To talk about an individual is certainly not my cup of tea. But when an individual assumes the role of a saviour of the nation, it becomes everybody’s concern. This is how citizens do talk about their prime minister and rightly so when we talk about Girija Prasad Koirala. He has shown enough prudence this time while choosing the word ‘control’ in his approach towards corruption. He has announced that he is all out to control corruption. He restrained from making any pledge to eradicate it unlike his predecessor who always vowed to make Nepal a corruption free country. So, this can be considered as one step forward when viewed as introspection within him. Even malaria, once totally eradicated from Nepal, is making its comeback more vigorously. Corruption is an attitude, a social ghetto and now increasingly made in Nepal as a political lubricant. So it can never be eradicated. It came with human beings and will remain in our planet till the human race exists. The question is one of magnitude or the extent that each country with its given system is able to control it.

In Nepal, it has become all pervasive making it the third most corrupt country in the world. The reason is plain and simple. When those who fought for democracy became the new rulers, they gave unto themselves the right to amass fortune as compensation for the struggle they waged all their life. For their kith and kin, democracy became a newfound honeymoon. Thus, democracy became an instrument for legitimizing corruption for the prosperity of new rulers and the governing elite. Koirala excelled.

All this became possible by increasingly using democracy more asrhetoric than a system. Just one hundred kilometres north of Kathmandu, people live in poverty. They do not understand how they are being used ‘as people’ in the democratic looting exercise. The looters can talk about people without people knowing what they are talking about. So in this looting drama, every area was explored and exploited. Minister’s decisions superseded law and, likewise, law superseded the constitution. So it became free for all those who could hook on to someone practising the newfound democracy.

Koirala gets the maximum points. He recruited his best boys who could master the art of siphoning funds in as short a period as he taught them in his first cabinet. This is the story of booty collected in the name of party, democracy and even people to sustain the new found status, authority and rule.

All this meant violating financial regulations, designing government policies to suit the unscrupulous elements, price-tagging government positions identified as lucrative and making the corruption control mechanism as weak and feeble as possible. The corruption control apparatus at the political level was deactivated and the one at bureaucratic level was made defunct. It was done so systematically that the institution for controlling abuse of authority was even stripped off the authority that it had before democracy was restored. A bill to this effect was presented by the then Koirala government, requiring prime minister’s approval to question a minister involved even in daylight corruption.

Now, it became convenient, economical and easy to use the state for gold smuggling. At a time when Krishna Prasad Bhattarai was the prime minister, even the transport minister decided to run out of country because of Koirala’s demand that the director general of Roads Department be changed. Koirala could not clinch the army’s aircraft purchase deal involving over fifty-four crores of clear kickbacks during his last prime ministerial tenure because of shortage of time, but this was something he could not make Bhattarai do despite his best efforts. Bijay Kumar Gachchhedar fell out with Koirala because he refused to share the  RNAC deal. These are only a few cases that are openly grumbled about.

Against this background and with the dons of corruption in cabinet, Koirala’s hue and cry about controlling corruption and confiscating assets in excess of the known source of income has made many burst out  laughing. He has announced legislating a new law for this purpose. It, however, is a welcome decision. But does he know that this country already has a law to this effect, which has been swallowed by corruption? Section 15 of the Anti-corruption Act, 1960 clearly stipulates that any property not in conformity with known source of income is considered as corruption. The property and lifestyle of the new rich holding government office now are not in conformity with their declared income   just a day before assuming office. These are cases of corruption as per the law of the land. The onus is for them to prove that they are not corrupt. The government just needs to initiate cases against them. Is Koirala prepared to do this? If so, where does he start from? It is useless to talk about the symptoms with no will to hit out at the cause. The cause is within man himself. The time has come to see inside.

Corruption in Nepal is like the high alcohol level in the blood of a drunkard who in his sober state realizes that he needs to get away from it but grabs the bottle the moment the body demand intensifies. As such it is more than that because the rulers do not even realize how corruption is damaging our national life. They are living for each day. Here we cannot help but remember George Orwell who examines the strong passion of the pigs in his ‘Animal Farm’ to lord over their companions they once lived together with and destroy the very cause they once struggled for. So the competition became to excel as the new breed of exploiters.

The first time premiership was thrust upon Koirala. The second time he became prime minister after the well engineered fall of his own party’s government paving the way for two earlier Panchayat stalwarts to become Nepali Congress made prime ministers in succession. The third time was together with the communists whom at one time he hated the most. This fourth time is now, by ousting KP Bhattarai. But is ‘the new conqueror’ opting away from this competition against the will of his kith and kin determined to harvest more for the difficult days? It is a hard choice indeed, more so because the new eruption could be devastating.

Wish Bill were here

By Ajit Baral

That lascivious cigar puffing American Bill -- not the dollar bill, but Clinton Bill -- is always in the thick of media hypes. This fallible guy, for whom, unfortunately, not only Monica but whole media would like to catch with his pants down. His ‘zipper-gate’ saga lengthened on and on, which didn’t climax even at the impeachment bid against him. Before the dust of media created Zippergate-hype could subside, he was surrounded with another media created hype recently. This time not for any infamous reason, though, but over his super special visit of the sub-continent.

As words that Clinton was visiting volatile South Asian sub-continent spread, all sub-continental countries primed themselves for lobbying and tried to winkle him out of his very busy schedule to visit their respective countries even if for a brief stopover. But, goings on in Nepal was different. Congressis, the reigning champions of internal dissent, were blotto with power politics and the divided opposition was gobsmacked to do anything but watch. So, Clinton skipped Nepal out of his itinerary, while that ‘basket’ country Bangladesh was graced by his visit.

Indian media was rife with Bills journey, the grand preparations and dos and don’ts that Indians had to remember while having a pow-wow with Clinton. Similar must have been the media coverage in Pakistan. But, we were reporting just what Clinton said in the Taj Mahal or Bombay or at other places. Both India and Pakistan had significant things to reap from Bill’s visit. We could, also, have reaped if our netas at the helm were sanguine enough to watch the happenings beyond the number permutation. Now, Clinton’s gone (to his own home) and so is our opportunity to reap. But, surely we could elaborate on things gone begging  for the people. We could skip the things gone begging for the government. For even if multi-million dollar project had been signed, either the project would have been pigeon holed or its benefit would have gone to politicians alone.

These were few things done before or, just on the eve of Clinton’s arrival in India: Road dividers were painted, lampposts were repaired, lights were changed, roads were fixed and streets were cleaned. By the same token, we could say that our pot-holed roads would have been fixed, garbage would been lifted and streets would have been cleaned by our mahanagarpalika, those phutpathe vendors would have been chased away or, in short our city would have got much needed facelift if Clinton had been here. But, I am not sure whether they would have successful in veneering the pollution in the air, for however a short time.

Clinton came not only with Chelsea and his mother-in-law but also with 200 security men and other delegate members. So, first to benefit would have been those five star-hotel entrepreneurs, who would have jumped and leapt for getting the opportunity to harvest the money. Some of our media had also raised the idea that US President would have facilitated in presenting Nepal as a ‘must see’ exotic destination. And money and fame through media: how nice it would have been. But all hopes have gone with the wind.

All those security men landing here for President’s security with choppers and hi-if gizmos would have taught us a lesson of differentiating the fake bomb and pistols with the genuine ones (remember the Kandahar episode).

Everything would have been orderly and beneficial for the people here if Clinton had been here. But now we can simply wish it were so.

Koirala-IV : What the stars foretell

By M R Josse

With the advent of Koirala-IV, the fourth prime ministerial innings of the Nepali Congress’s lean and taciturn skipper, Girija Prasad Koirala, a long and fiery political summer is preordained.

Portents: Mull over, if you will, some tell-tale or disturbing portents on the ground in that regard. For starters, consider the situation within the Nepali Congress itself.

First, there is the fact that the septuagenarian’s return to the batting crease took place against the messy ambience of political chicanery and a fierce intra-party power struggle. 

Second, although many Nepali Congress supporters have sought to find comfort in the “first-ever” elections in the NC to determine who should lead its parliamentary wing, the hard reality remains that the NC — despite Premier Krishna Prasad Bhattarai’s plea in his misty-eyed valedictory to transfer leadership to younger leaders — chose Koirala over “second generation” party stalwart, Sher Bahadur Deuba, a former prime minister.

Third, while the NC decided to politically reward the very functionary who brought down its own government for a second time, a clear if informal vertical split in the ruling party has emerged between the Koirala and the Bhattarai/Deuba groupings.

Fourth, Koirala rewarded Ram Chandra Poudel with the position of deputy prime minister — ironically, first bestowed by Bhattarai to assist him in his tussle with Koirala prior to his exit — although Poudel voted against him at the parliamentary polls.

What could be the reason for such uncharacteristic political munificence? Clearly, to have that “second generation” wallah on his side in the anticipated intra-party power-skirmishes ahead!

Finally, not only has “second generation” NC stalwart Shailaja Acharya’s rather suddenly made a bid for the NC presidency — currently held by her maternal uncle, Girija Prasad Koirala — but she has gone even further to claim that the party president has already appointed her acting president!

The significance of her gambit can best be understood on two levels: the first relates to Dueba’s plans to contest the NC presidency during the party’s tenth national convention, come October; the second, by party secretary Basanta Gautam’s disclosure that “the president has no right to appoint an acting president.” (TKP, March 25, 2000).

It thus hardly requires the prescience of an Einstein to conclude that an epic battle, or Mahabharat, is clearly shaping up between the two rival segments of the Nepali Congress. 

Clashes ahead: The Koirala camp has made its first tactical moves on the party chessboard through Poudel and Acharya; it remains to be seen what counter-measures the Bhattarai/Deuba grouping will now imaginatively conjure up.

While more illumination on that gripping subject will no doubt  be shed by unfolding events, at the core of the NC battle-in-the-offing is the fascinating question of whether the Nepali Congress is to continue to be a Koirala family-dominated party or not.    

Yet, whatever crises that lie ahead within Koirala’s own party, they fade into virtual insignificance as compared to those that clearly loom on the Opposition front.

Already, a disturbing glimpse of the shape of things to come on that theatre can be had in that within 24 hours of Koirala’s formal swearing-in ceremony the main opposition party, the UML, organised a burning of Koirala’s effigies in all 75 districts of the country.

It may be recalled here that the UML had remained rather dormant or quiescent since the May 1999 election. Magically, however, Koirala’s return to power has kick-started its oppositional activities as reflected in effigy-burning, bandhs, and picketing of ministries.

Notably, it has also launched a campaign appealing to the public to provide it information on corrupt officials.    

Although the RPP is hardly an awesome political force today, oppositional activities by that party, recently reunited, could, in conjunction with that of the UML, create considerable  unpleasantness or difficulties for Koirala. In any case, as with the UML, Koirala’s latest incarnation as prime minister has galvanised it into plunging into active oppositional politics.  

Koirala’s comeback as prime minister — this time, via the public humiliation of Bhattarai who energetically washed a heap of dirty NC linen in parliament — has, even more disturbingly, inflamed the underground Maoist leadership which has steadily been expanding its operational base throughout the kingdom since it launched its “People’s War” more than four years ago.

As much is underlined in a long programme of action that Maoists have publicly announced, climaxed on April 6 — the anniversary of the 1990 Jana Andolan — by what they ominously term as an “armed shutdown” of the country. 

Maoists’ ire is reportedly directed at disappearances of detainees in police custody, massive killings, the torching of entire villages, as well as against price rise and corruption.

Warning that they are now prepared for “total war”, the Maoist leadership charge also that in the past four years “Indian expansionists and fascist elements” have become dominant in the political life of a “rotten” parliamentary system.

Security: It is against this sombre backdrop, that the “old, new” prime minister’s hard-line stance that insurgents must lay down their arms before any dialogue can begin hardly seems propitious.

So, too, that even as Indian Ambassador K V  Rajan now has the gall to lecture us not to worry about “sovereignty or prestige” — apparently such considerations are only operative in an Indo-American context — Koirala’s government seems ready and willing to embrace Indian security personnel at the airport, wearing Indian Airlines uniforms.  

Clearly, as Koirala-IV unfolds, we are set for a long summer of strife, turbulence and bloodshed — and perhaps even the loss of sovereignty and national dignity!