Think seriously about NDC

From day one since he took over, Prime Girija Prasad Koirala has been talking about activating the National Defence Council (NDC). He has however failed to convincingly justify its rationale and necessity. It is nevertheless quite obvious that this move is primarily motivated by the desire to quell the insurgency through the creation of a paramilitary force. Apparently, he realises that unless the force is mobilised, the problem of insurgency will not be resolved. But will activating the NDC place him in a better position to provide a quick-fix solution? And what will such a solution—if there is one—cost? It is likely that things may not go the way he wants since the mobilisation of such a force has not really been efficacious in putting an end to insurgency elsewhere in the world. At a time when the opposition too has stood against activating the NDC, the PM should stand better advised
to mull over his move. Or else, he should take the opposition into confidence.

One month ago, Home Minister Govind Raj Joshi proposed the formation of a paramilitary force with the aim of fighting Maoist insurgents. He had then outlined the strength of the force and the money that would be needed to raise and maintain it. The amount was indeed so much that the government would have to allocate its annual budget more to fighting insurgency than to development works. The costs are indeed prohibitive and therefore it may not be a good idea to go ahead with. Apart from this, it may be difficult to sustain such a force in the long run, and two, it may not achieve its objective. Although the government has outlined what it expects the paramilitary force to do after the Maoist problem is resolved, unless these duties such as patrolling the border among others, is really done in earnest, the NDC could prove to be a big drain on scarce resources, Therefore, the government has to think very seriously about creating this force.

The government has yet to explain its new measures clearly. The daunting challenge that needs to be overcome is, no doubt, the growing Maoist insurgency. Unfortunately, successive governments have failed to recognise the root-causes that have bred many anti-social elements since the re-establishment of democracy. It should therefore be understood that the activation of NDC may not be the answer to the existing socio-economic ills that have, in the first place, created the Maoist problem.

The Prime Minister has to explain his ideas on activating NDC to the people as it may prove too adventurous an undertaking which could, in turn, draw the establishment into further complications. The evils afflicting the country are growing poverty, rampant illiteracy and corruption in public life. These problems may have to await the completion of a paramilitary solution. That would be very sad indeed.

There is therefore a need on the part of both the Home Ministry and the Prime Minister’s office to do thorough homework before taking any major decision that could further worsen the situation.

The right choice for Bhutan

By Dr C L Timsina

Migration is a dynamic process. It could be from village to village, district to district, country to country, or region to region. Migration occurs for many reasons: (a) political, for example, to colonize a newly discovered place like America or Australia; (b) economic, for better living standards and economic opportunities, and (c) religious and social, for example, the mass immigration of Jews to Israel, or the post independence transfer of Muslim and Hindu populations in the sub-continent.

Historical records prove that Bhutan is a land of migrants. The Ngalungs migrated from Tibet from the 12th century onward to escape religious persecution of the Gelukpa Buddhists. The Sarchops are the earliest migrant population from the South East Asian region who could possibly be considered as the country’s indigenous population. The Nepalis are the latest migrant population whose records in Bhutan date back to 1624 during which the state of Bhutan was formed under the leadership of the Sabdrung Nawang Namgyal. While this fact is supported by Newari art and craft in places of worship and dzongs, there are legendary tales to support a migration of Nepali speaking population to Bhutan from the time of Guru Padmasambhava in 8th century AD. Nevertheless, the mass Nepali migration to Bhutan occurred following the anglo-Bhutan war of 1865. It was encouraged primarily to defend the southern border and to cultivate the malaria infested juggles of South Bhutan to expand tax collection. This was in fact designed to make up for loss of income due to the annexation of duars by the British Empire.

In the light of the above historical events, Lhotsampas cannot be treated as economic migrants. First, they came in the entourage of Guru Padmasambhava to support the preaching of Buddhism. Second, they were invited by the founding father of Bhutan to build dzongs and help defend against successive Tibetan invasions. And third, they were inducted in thousands under the direct supervision and control of the Dorji family for the expansion of revenue base and protection of South Bhutan. In The Raven Crown, Michael Aris writes with authenticity that Kazi Ugen Dorji, great maternal grandfather of the present King, was given an edict in the year 1900 to administer Nepali inhabited South Bhutan. This edict was jointly signed by the Shabdrung (Dharma Raja) Durk Desi (Deba Raja), Ugen Wangchuck (Tongsa Penlop) and the Dzongpons of Thimphu and Wangdi. It also states that the post of Kazi Ugen Dorji would be hereditary. This arrangement continued for three generations until the late Prime Minister Jigme Palden Dorji, the grandson of Kazi Ugyen Dorji, was assassinated in 1964.

In The Politics of Bhutan, Leo E Rose mentions that the people of Nepali ethnic origin in Bhutan exclusively lived in southern part of the country, which was cut off from its northern region by a 25 miles wide forest belt. The settlement was demarcated by a boundary, call simana (border). The simana runs across the country serving as an imaginary boundary line with regard to the mobility of Nepalis to North Bhutan for permanent settlement. Obviously, the settlement was planned by the government to keep the Nepalis in the peripheral areas, isolated from mainstream Bhutanese cultural and political domain. In return, they were permitted to practice their own culture and tradition, allowing them to establish Sanskrit Pathsalas (schools) and cultural centres in different parts of south Bhutan. The Nepali speaking population occupied the whole of Samchi, Chirang and Sarbhag districts and Dagapela sub-division. The royal government opened up a sub-division in Sampdrup Zonkher District, Danabari, Lalai and Taklai in Gylemphug and Kali, Lazeb and Changkha in Daga Dzongkhag in the 1960s and early 1970s partly to transfer marginal farmers from the over populated areas of Chirang and Samchi districts and partly to rehabilitate landless people (sukumbasi).

The people of North and South Bhutan interacted poorly until the 1960s. The Dorji family administered South Bhutan from their residence in Kalimpong employing Muktiyar for tax collection and local administration. The official from Tongsa, Paro or Punakha rarely visited the Nepali settlements, and the Nepalis regarded the Dorjis as the Teen Sarkar, equivalent to the status of Ranas, in the hereditary prime ministership of Nepal. British India tacitly approved this status for the Dorjis, upgrading the earlier title of Kaji, which used to be bestowed on nobles and landlord in Sikkim. In fact, Raja Sonam Tobgay Dorji, son of Kaji Ugen Dorji, attended the Rana’s court in Kathmandu on special occasions representing Bhutanese royalty. This tradition was abolished in the 1960s after the assassination of Prime Minister Jigme Palden Dorji in Phuntsholing Bhutan. Then onward, South Bhutan was under the charge of Lhotsam Chichap, Southern Administrator, with headquarters in Sarbhang Bhutan.

The real interaction of southern and northern Bhutanese began after the royal government took Nepali students for studies in North or East Bhutan, and when the educated Nepalis were engaged together with the Drukpas in the implementation of development projects in the Kingdom. This effort was reinforced by the decision of the royal government to bring reforms in the system of administration. The national assembly was instituted in 1952, and subsequently, Nepalis were given equal representation in the National Assembly at parity with the Ngalungs and the Sarchops. However, this decision was revised at a later date fixing less number of people’s representatives in the National Assembly from South Bhutan. Reportedly, Nari Rastomji, the then political officer in the erstwhile Sikkim was instrumental in changing the mind of the King Jigme Dorji, in whose eyes all the people of Bhutan were equal irrespective of their ethnicity. The present King Jigme Singye Wangchusk has pointed out on several occasions about the need to correct this historical mistake, which he has realized as thew Achilles’ heel for Bhutan.

In Bhutan, the slow process of social integration began from the 1960s. Wearing a national dress in schools, offices and official gathering was well supported by the cross section of Bhutanese society. What went wrong in the late 1980s was the way the government implemented the Driglam Namzam policy.

National integration is a concern of all Bhutanese people as it is important for the country’s welfare Bhutan is not the only country that has multi-ethnic peoples as citizens. If the royal government is sincere about resolving the present political crisis in the Kingdom, it has to work in recognition of this fact.

Thirty days without an idiot box

By Hitesh Karki

Boom came the noise amidst complete silence. I immediately rushed to the place where the noise came from, Living room that is, only to find that a surge of high voltage from the NEA owned transformer just across from my house had blasted off my television set. The next obvious thing for me was to check what other damages had been done. I hurried to the kitchen - one more jhatka - the newly acquired refrigerator too was gone. The immediate effect of the accident was a dampening of mood among family members. Forget about suing the NEA for damages incurred, even filing a complaint made no sense to me. The only worrying factor for me was that everyone was behaving in such a way as if one of the family members had just disappeared. No comments, no nothing. Body was there, but soulless. Everyone just went off to sleep, for the first time as far as I can recall, at around 8:30 pm!

Next evening, when the family members returned from work, the whole atmosphere of the house was drastically different from what it used to be just a day ago. A hot cup of tea, sharing each others experiences of the day while watching the day's news on BBC ( this had almost become a ritual kind of thing) was suddenly just not there. Simply because the Idiot had become "brain dead" though its body lay intact in the cabinet.

As a result, one by one, all headed off to their rooms with tea in their hands only to turn on the Radio, the only other alternative left. Thanks to the many FM stations, the house did not look haunted. However I was beginning to sense that we were slowly disintegrating as the communication gap had started to take its toll. It was always in the living room, provided that the TV was switched on no matter whether anyone was watching it or not, that the conversation always took place.

As days passed by, contrary to what I had thought, things began to change and surprisingly for the better. Aakash was now starting to get heavily engrossed in novels which I had given way back in time but as long as Idiot was alive he had never time to even take a look at them. Mom, after completing her household chores, was beginning to wipe off the dust of some of her science journals that had been lying in the shelf for ages! And guess what, with Idiot not around, I could see her even jotting something on a notepad from those journals.

As for my dad (a diehard movie buff who simply wouldn’t go to bed without watching one late night movie!, a kind of sleeping pill for him) was also seen flipping pages from what looked like some kind of report that he had prepared as part of his office work. Lastly, even Harke, the servant, who otherwise wouldn’t buzz even an inch with eyes constantly glued at the Idiot was finally compelled to start reading Mahendra Mala, for the first time since joining school!

With no premier league matches, no ESPN, no channel [V], no movies the long overdue work, which as a matter of fact was a part of my new years resolution to get it done by the end of May finally got started. Although the resolution was to spare/devote at least half an hour everyday to it, now with so much of free time, the progress made was simply overwhelming. By now I’m almost through. A lazy bone cum couch potato had suddenly turned spirited and energetic!

As I just returned from my office, Harke as usual brought me a cup of tea. A strange feeling crept inside me. This was not the same Harke that I’ve been seeing for some time around. His face was kind of ‘Glowing’, if I may say so, it was so unusual ever since the death of the Idiot. I couldn’t help asking him what was the matter with him. His reply took me completely by surprise - my parents could no longer do without an Idiot Box, they had just gone out to get a new one.

Between the lines

By Kuldip Nayar

India’s Congress men are barking up the wrong tree. The problem is the party, not Sonia Gandhi. That she does not vibe with the masses, as political leaders generally do, is nothing new. Nor is her reticence a discovery. She has had such deficiencies from day one, when she was persuaded to become the Congress president. Her Italian origin also does not sell any more. It is a cliche which does not even embellish speech or writing.

It is true that she is not clicking. But then who else in the party is? The more realistic question to ask is: "Why none is clicking, neither the high-flying Rajesh Pilot, nor the low-profile Madhavrao Scindia? Docile Manmohan Singh has only a few friends in the party. Nor has Arjun Singh endeared himself to many. Who else is there?

The problem is with the party. It is too incoherent, too dispersed. Whomsoever you put at the head, you will hear the same small talk against him or her. Back-biting is the bane of the Congress. Sonia is no good, many leaders say in whispers or in a roundabout manner. They very well know that she is the only point where different groups in the party meet or the only key which opens many locks. Still they run her down. Was Sitaram Kesri, her predecessor, better?

No doubt, there was less bickering during the days of Narasimha Rao. But that was because he, as Prime Minister, had unlimited favours, benefits and the largesse of patronage to distribute to keep the dissidents quiet. There was no party even at that time. It was power, which had sucked in many.

In fact, Rao alienated the Muslims over the demolition of the Babri Masjid. They have not yet returned to the Congress. The dalits and the backward, once the party’s vote bank, have found new moorings. Why has the party done too little to woo them is the question to ask. Leaders indulge in rhetoric, nothing beyond. Over the years they have lost credibility. They talk more, act less.

The real problem is that the Congress has not learnt anything from the past. Even after being in the wilderness for so many years, it has not faced the fact that it is a long haul to power. But it behaves as if its government is about to be sworn in. Every leader, big or small, is still floating in air, refusing to come down to earth to face the challenge of rebuilding the party from below.

There is yet no realisation that Congress is without a charismatic or an all-India leader. People have to be attracted on the basis of programmes and personal contacts. Some volunteers have to work at the grassroots. Where is the tribe? Even the youngsters want a ticket to the assembly or parliament within a week of joining the party.

Till recently, the Congress behaved so high and mighty that it refused even to have a coalition at the Centre. Sonia could have been the Prime Minister after the fall of the Vajpayee government. But she wanted to go it alone.

The manner in which the party has reacted to the Bihar situation and joined the government shows that the party has come to understand the reality of coalition politics in the country. But in the process, the party has compromised with corruption. This is where Sonia Gandhi should have put her foot down. The party cannot be built on a policy without principles. Coalition politics is understandable but not with tainted elements.

The demand for the resignation of Chief Minister Rabri Devi after the warrants against her by the CBI should have been the Congress party’s cry, not that of a few leaders at the Centre. Sonia Gandhi’s argument that Home Minister L K Advani and HRD Minister Murli Manohar Joshi should resign carries weight. Both have been charge-sheeted and both await trial. But a cogent argument doesn’t mean that you must compromise on principles. She would have had a better case if she had said that there was no difference between the Advani-Joshi case and the Laloo-Rabri case. The BJP may call the first one a "political case" and the second a corruption case. But basically they are the same. If one were to stretch the example, even the CBI, which is under the Prime Minister, is not above board because it has several politically-prodded cases in its tow.

The question is that of principles. Even the thinking by some Congressmen to have ‘a grand alliance’ in West Bengal against the Communists shows that power, not principles, motivates the party. This challenges the very secular credentials of the Congress. How can it join hands with Trinamool Congress, already in the lap of the BJP? Even if the Communists are defeated, the party would have embraced communalists. Is this the desired goal to achieve? This is one of the tragedies of the Congress. It has no long-term perspective.

One other ill that afflicts the Congress is that it has to live up to its old image. People still associate it with austerity. They are greatly upset when they see Congress ministers wearing silk khadi, occupying big houses, riding in sleek limousines and leading an ostentatious life. People do realise that the days of Mahatma Gandhi are gone and his advice, "simple living, high thinking," has ceased to mean much. Still they expect them to return to the ideal when they took pride in living in small huts for showing kinship with the poor and the hungry. Even otherwise, had the same pre-independence spirit of sacrifice and selflessness which had distinguished the Congress Party from others persisted, India would have probably found missionaries to lead the country to prosperity. But the spirit of dedication rapidly evaporated after the last British soldier left the country.

Unfortunately, party members have become a new set of masters, who want reward for even the speech they make to laud values. Come to think of it, the party has become a squabbling crowd of white-capped self-seekers jostling with one another for power and riches.

The entry of Arjun Singh to the Rajya Sabha may well be one last attempt by Sonia or, for that matter, the Congress, to capture power. He is shrewd and has contacts with all non-BJP parties. He would like to help set up an anti-BJP front, bringing together the Congress, the Left, Mulayam Singh Yadav’s Samajwadi Party and some of the partners of the NDA. The question which will ultimately stare the Congress in the face is whether it is prepared to take a back seat if the combination against the BJP takes shape. Will Sonia say that she does not want prime ministership but wants the BJP-led government to go.

Advani says that the Congress must shed its anti-BJP bias. Had the Congress been travelling on the right path, it could have retorted that what it was against was Hindu Rashtra. Were the BJP to shed that stance and develop into a secular political party, the Congress could do business with it. But the Congress exposes itself when it talks about ‘a grand alliance’ with the BJP itself.