Engage Maoists in dialogue

Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala is sending out confusing signals by playing hard and soft with Maoists. On the one hand, his tough talk with regard to Maoists shows him as bent on raising a paramilitary force or even mobilising the army to resolve the problem of insurgency. On the other hand, the extension of the High Level Consensus Seeking Committee to enable former Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba who heads this committee to hold dialogue with Maoist leaders, shows him as trying to soften his hardline approach.

Are we to infer from this that Koirala has not ruled out dialogue as the preferred means for resolving the insurgency problem ? We hope we are right because the extension of the consensus seeking committee’s term has at least indicated that it may be possible to resolve the problem peacefully. At the same time, it will be naive to expect an additional grace period of perhaps a few months to do any good unless an environment conducive for holding talks is first created. And, it goes without saying that such an environment cannot be possible with Koirala looking to activate the National Defence Council and through it, to spend a fortune to create a substantial paramilitary force that will first put down the insurgency and then later be assigned to other duties. While the subject of whether the country needs a paramilitary force to quell the insurgency is as debatable as whether the army should be mobilised for the same purpose, even Girija Prasad Koirala, should not be averse to the idea of seeking a peaceful resolution to the problem.

The prime minister would therefore be well advised to assist Deuba in every way he can including in making the environment conducive so that the talks can take place. This means he may have to put on hold his plan to either deploy a new paramilitary force or send in the army and treat them as only last resort options. The police versus Maoist contest has bled the affected areas and caused great suffering. Sending in the army or the paramilitary will bleed the economy if the operations turn out to be a protracted one, as conflicts involving guerrilla warfare usually are. While the government must keep this in mind, the Maoists on their part must be more open to invitations for dialogue. It has been reported that Maoist leaders are not really averse to the idea of dialogue. But for the dialogue to take place in earnest, hostilities between the police and Maoists must first stop. Both the government and Maoists must realise that violence is not the way to resolve the socio-economic problems which are at the root of the insurgency. These are the problems both the government as well as Maoists must solve together.

Why activate national defence council ?

By K S Brar

In the past two weeks, the level of national anxiety concerning Part 20, Article 118 of the Constitution has been on the rise. The anxiety is probably either due to misunderstanding and misconception or misinterpretation of the whole concept of the National Defence Council NDC). Neither the framer of the constitution nor any constitutional expert has thrown sufficient light on this delicate issue. So far, none has tried to explain to the public the overall concept and all encompassing goal of the Article and the total perspective of the security issue of the country. Even the government has not taken pains to explain the total dimensional aspect of the provision. This has given rise to genuine doubts, created unnecessary chaos and confusion in the mass print media giving wrong signals to everybody.

Security as understood is the total/complete guarantee provided by the lawful government to its people. Security means stability, continuity, freedom and fundamental rights exercised in the day to day life of a free nation. For this, a nation needs firstly to identify its vital national interests and the threat to these. And then a nation state must prepare to meet these threats arising either from internal disorders or external aggression. Meeting these challenges needs national consensus guaranteeing policy continuity on all issues of national dimension. This provides stability in all sectors of development whether political, social, economic or industrial; no matter who wins the election in a democratic set up. For the last so many years, this country, unfortunately lacks consensus, coordination, cooperation and compromise at the national level to guarantee continuity and stability in policy formulating, planning and implementing anything that encompasses and impacts national life and national security.

Suddenly the nation is in a jolt because there is talk about activating one of the provisions of the Constitution. The talk about activating NDC has occupied much space in print media and provoked so many political leaders, journalists and human rights activists focusing only on one small part of the whole national security issue of the country. Maoist problem is one issue in the overall national security system in the whole national strategic environment from the perspective of our national interest. Presently, there is no coordination, cooperation and joint working procedure in the various government agencies and machinery. It looks like everybody is working in isolation presenting varying views of the government leading to lacklustre policy formulation without any tangible results assuring the public of good governance and delivery of goods at a reasonable level. The divergent views, ideas and isolated agencies need to be brought under one single national umbrella so that everybody is in the national mainstream. For this, NDC needs to be activated first to regulate its working procedure and finally to monitor and act as watchdog in the national set up. Activating NDC does not at all, as this scribe understands, mean mobilizing the army against Maoist insurgents. National security covers areas from construction of Banepa-Bardibas Highway, Birgunj-Kathmandu railway, Kathmandu international airport, Kaligandaki "A" or Karnali Hydro Power projects and bridges and dams that affect national life. Activating NDC should not be considered in isolation.

Coming down to Maoist problem, first it must be identified at national level whether it is a political, social or insurgency and subversion problem. Secondly, a national consensus must be reached as to how a solution can be found. Thirdly, a joint operation for balanced development to improve the quality of local lives must be conducted involving all government agencies, NGOs, INGOs, local leaders and even human rights activists as per requirements. People need a guaranteed security system and basic life sustaining system to lead a normal life. No citizen has ever enjoyed violence. The best way to solve this problem could be the negotiation without any challenge to fundamental and unamendable characteristics of the Constitution.

The exploitation of generous Nepalese hospitality and abuse of the open door policy has raised certain serious questions on the cohesive nature of Nepalese social structure and blending strength of national character. Invasion in the political, cultural, social, religious, linguistic, ethnic front and print media is so menacing it might one day threaten national integrity unless there is a strong countermeasure carried out in time. This nation needs to drag itself out of its all encompassing present chaos. To check and balance all these cracks in the nation and to consolidate democratic institutions in formulating and coordinating a national level policy to project a firm direction to the nation, a National Coordinating Committee working under NDC is the need of the day. NDC, therefore, must be activated although not just to seek a solution to the Maoist problem.

One very strange and surprising thing today is almost all political parties, all government ministers, human right activists and professional have been denouncing the Maoists activity of violence, killing, kidnapping, looting, burning including the security forces over reactions, but none is countering subversion and insurgency in the public field. Government has under its control all the state machinery including media but has not taken any steps to counter Maoists. It has not conducted any media warfare and psychological campaign to counter insurgency and boost public moral and confidence. Neither has any major party so far taken out a mass rally either in the state capital or in any district HQs. No government media or parties respecting constitution have mobilized their media, cadres, supporters and faithfuls to counter Maoist violence in any part of the country. Why? Does everyone want this problem to perpetuate while the nation suffers and the Nepalese fight and kill each other?

To activate NDC means to establish/create a national level body to continuously monitor, assess, analyse, inform, coordinate and cooperate amongst various organs of the government to provide a consolidated information/intelligence and policy planning for policy and decision makers so that everybody is in the same national grid as far as the issues of national dimension are concerned. It will help provide united national front to meet threats either internal or external and consolidate our national character.

All intelligence systems should work as teams, identify problems like terrorism, crime, social, political and economic instability, ethnic, geographic and border vulnerability leading to refugee problems and draw deductions to arrive at one solid solution. The various organs working under the umbrella of NDC would be able to analyse the stresses and strains borne by national interest and present estimates to the government with options for structuring forces to meet the threat. Once activated, NDC could provide continuity, stability, balanced economic development and finally peace and prosperity that everybody aspires for. Thus security, good governance and clean administration could be guaranteed. It can provide policy options even in projects like Pancheswor, Tanakpur, Karnali to even reconsider His Majesty’s proposal to declare Nepal a zone of peace. It can bring a significant emphasis on streamlining and modernizing national policy formulating system so that the government need no falter or dither in implementing its chosen plan. It helps prevent instability by maintaining the minimum necessary capability to avert intelligence and policy vacuum with contingencies in all national issues.

Carnality

By Smriti Jaiswal

My cousin’s excitement know no bounds when she stepped on the capital. Her interest was so sharp it was contagious and even I, who was born and bred here, had to look at it with entirely virgin eyes. I saw the purple mountains lining the city, the unbroken blue sky, the tiny temples dotting the city, the eager tourists paddling their bicycles. I saw it all as a newcomer would because of my cousin.

Suddenly, in the midst of all this pleasure, she shrieked and put her hands over my eyes.

"Don’t look Smriti, don’t look," she cried and refused to remover her hands.

"Of course my curiosity was huge. "What is it?" I asked.

Though I couldn’t see her I could sense the effort she put in to control herself. It’s over now," she said and freed me.

"What was it?" I asked again.

"Oh", she said "how can anybody do this to such a lovely city. You know Smriti, there was this beautiful temple, small and beautiful and I strained my neck to look at it, but guess what I saw along with it? There were lines and lines and lines of meat countries all over, red flesh dangling from ceilings, red flesh thumped on tables."

"But what is wrong with that?" I asked slightly puzzled, "if people have non-veg, there have to be meat counters."

"Yeah", replied my cousin, "but not everywhere. Not in front of a temple, not in the middle of a posh street, not in the midst of sophisticated shops, not beside a college."

"But where else can you have them? Almost the entire city is non-veg. We need a lot many shops." I defended.

She looked at me as though I were mad, as though she couldn’t believe I was saying this. "You must be crazy, or else the filth in the city has dulled your sense of beauty. Things have to be planned and the plan developed. You can’t have things thrown around haphazardly. Imagine what such a sight must feel like to an outsider, imagine what it must feel like to me. You people are used to everything the city has to offer. You have accepted the pollution, the garbage, the corruption - the everything. But it’s not the same with us. You know what more I saw? I saw a huge bone chucked in the middle of the road and about ten dogs snarling for it. They were all pulling that one piece, ready to kill each other. And there was this tourist clicking photographs. What kind of a vision does that provide? Oh no, that's no way for a city to work, not the capital at least."

"What would you suggest as a remedy then?" I asked. Whatever she said certainly did make sense.

"I don’t know," confessed my cousin, "I am no planner. But I am sure, it would be much better if there are marts opened for such counters and special containers provided behind these marts where the butchers can throw the leftovers. That way the city will not only be clean, it will also be more hygienic, appealing and convenient. The government should take special care of meat products since they can easily spread diseases."

I listened to the logic of my cousin with admiration for not only is she years younger to me, but she also belongs to a small village.

The mirage of Nepali family values

By Pratyoush Onta

As the marriage season for the year 1994 began, there was considerable excitement in the larger family of my maternal relatives. Two sets of siblings, themselves children of a sibling pair, were slated to get married during the middle of the season. Preparations had started earlier in the year. Being active participants in the game of social izzat (prestige) obtained through conspicuous consumption, the parents of those who were to be married had extended a series of invitations to many of our relatives for mini-bhojes. More than anything else, these were occasions to demonstrate the ‘goods’ that were to make up the marriage package - gold ornaments, clothes, and other gifts. However, when the marriages were all over, the siblings among the parents of those who got married were no longer on talking terms.

The feud started off with what seemed like a tractable problem at hand. Although there were many marriage saits during the season, the two different family pundits who were to officiate at the respective marriage ceremonies had come up with saits that coincided. Initially, the relatives of the two families believed that the auspicious dates could be rearranged so that they could attend marriages in both of the families. When the actual process of rearranging dates began, the issue became complicated: one family wanted the other to change the date. When the latter refused to do so, citing various reasons, the stakes of the social izzat game increased.

Attempts by other members of the larger family to find an amicable solution failed. Marriages of the children of two siblings actually coincided. As a result, charges and counter-charges were exchanged between the two families and the feud soon began to grow out of control. More than five years later, things have deteriorated to such an extent that modes of communication and love that one would expect between two siblings and their families have all but vanished.

Welcome to the world of Nepali family values as they actually exist in our society!

Participants in many of the major public debates in post-1990 Nepal have, time and again, referred to Nepali family values as something sacrosanct, something that should be protected from onslaught by new developments, especially those coming from the West. Even if they are left undefined, Nepali family values, it is said, are the basis for the particular identity of our society, one that despite our poverty, we should celebrate!

Recall the debate on whether or not women should have right to ancestral property. In what is perhaps the most emotionally charged debate we have thus far seen on issues related to our social sphere, those who were opposed to giving women the right to property supported their argument by saying that such an arrangement would spoil our family values. In particular, they argued that if women were to be given right to property, it would "kill the love that exists between brothers and sisters." Furthermore, they argued that it would increase the number of property disputes among family members. Some even hinted that if women were to gain additional independence after exercising their right to property, they would "lose their moral character." If Nepali family values were to be saved, giving women property rights was not such a good idea they concluded.

Same version of the above argument - defending putative Nepali family values against the tides of legal and concomitant changes - has been part of many other debates that have taken place in our society over the past ten years. Making abortion legal, it is argued, will increase non-marital sexual activity, and thereby erode one of the central edifices of Nepali family values supposedly organized around the ideology of monogamous marital sex. Including lessons on reproductive health in school curricula, the same side threatens, will increase premarital sexual activity, a phenomenon that supposedly does not occur in the world of Nepali family values. The guardians of Nepali family values have also declared that decriminalizing prostitution would promote promiscuity, which in turn would jeopardize our institution of marriage. Divorce, it is often argued by the same proponents, is an option exercised by a few "westernized" Nepali women. Most marriages in Nepal, they emphasize, are not contracts between two individuals like in the West. Instead, Nepali marriages and family values that supposedly sustain them, are life-long commitments. The list goes on.

The differences between what is claimed by proponents of Nepali family values and what one sees and experiences as the facts of family life in our society are so huge that one does not need a thorough grounding in the disciplines of social sciences to recognize them. The example of no communication between two siblings and their families with which I began this essay is just the tip of the iceberg regarding the status quo of relationship between many family members in our society. As anyone interested in the legal field would know, property disputes among family members constitute a huge percentage of legal disputes that keep our courts busy. As social activists have pointed out, the incidence of domestic violence and marital discord are significant enough to draw further investigation. Selling of women by their relatives, and treatment meted out to children (especially girls), widows and the elderly also deserve to be analyzed in the same breath.

Non-critical celebrations of Nepali family values leave a lot to be desired. For instance, in the debates on themes mentioned above, the behaviour of Nepali males is absolved whereas the sexuality of Nepali females becomes the terrain where patriarchy-driven family values find their supposedly Nepali roots. The debate on Nepali family values take on an additional dimension when the diversity of our population is noted. Yet most of our public discussions have hesitated to look deeper into what they have been calling Nepali family values, preferring instead to hold the same high on a pedestal. Could it be that they are afraid of what they would find if they were to examine Nepali family values with some care?