Stop dumping near TIA

Even a layman would have warned against the decision of the Ministry of Local Development and Physical Planning to dump garbage along the Bagmati River from Gokarna to Gujeswori over which a road is to be built. Apart from the damage this scheme could do to the river ecology, proximity to Tribhuvan International Airport (TIA) would also have featured in any argument against the idea. It would have been 'common-sense' to kill the idea altogether. Yet, the Ministry went ahead without any environment impact assessment, ignoring a letter from the Civil Aviation Authority regarding the threat of dumping activity to the safety of passengers and aircraft. The dumping activity also ignores the International Civil Aviation Organisation (ICAO) standard according to which landfill sites are not permitted at a distance less than 13 kilometres away from airports. In fact, the government had been ignoring the ICAO regulation when it started dumping at Gokarna, some five kilometres away from TIA, some years ago. Turning the bank of the Bagmati into a landfill is supposedly a stopgap measure till a permanent landfill site becomes operational. However, the quest for a site to accommodate the waste generated by Kathmandu valley seems to be a never-ending one despite the fact that a number of sites have been identified and adjudged appropriate. In the mean time, the temporary solution, that is, to turn the bank of the Bagmati into one long landfill stretch is itself causing problems. Obviously, the most visible problem is that of bird menace. There are no doubt a number of reasons that attract birds to the airport area. Agricultural land and water logging around the airport and a certain chemical sprayed on the ground has also been singled out for the bird activity at TIA. But the chief reason is the dumping activity. In the past one and a half months alone, there has been three bird-related mishaps resulting in loss of millions of rupees to airlines. Both international and domestic flights have either been delayed or cancelled due to bird activity. If this is to continue, TIA, will no longer be safe for aircraft operations.

The first thing is that dumping along the banks of the Bagmati must stop. A landfill site for Kathmandu's waste must become operational and the sooner the government acts on this the better it will be for everyone. Last, but not the least, the government must think seriously about relocating the airport outside the city. TIA has become overcrowded and it is also too close to the city. Unless these measures are taken with immediate effect, the consequences can prove disastrous, especially for the country's tourism sector.

Some issues in the North-South divide

By Viraj P Thacker

Globalization has been championed as the winning paradigm for the 21st century and the overwhelming global euphoria notwithstanding, it has also served to cloak some major disadvantages for those unable to participate in the global economic system. Participation is largely defined by a nation's capacity to engage in free trade. What are the consequences of such a system and moreover, how do nations respond to the notion of free trade? Given the inherent  differences among nations in the historical, economic and sociopolitical arenas, globalization influences the development trajectory of nations in very specific ways.

Using the WTO (World Trade Organization) as my point of departure, I will attempt to illustrate the kinds of interactions necessitated by free trade. A clear division that WTO engenders by its very structure is the North/South divide. The G-8 (coalition of industrialized nations) and the G-77 (a misnomer for the group of 120 nations that  represent the developing world) are the main players and although the premise of WTO provides ample scope for comparative analysis in and of itself, I will resist the temptation of restricting our discussion to WTO alone. My efforts are focused instead on the response to the free trade by the  G-77 nations. For the purpose of this discussion I chose to study the accommodations made by a group of countries in the Himalayan Belt. Severely limited by their geographical location, fragile economic infrastructure and conditions that generally place these nations in the 'old world' mode, they have had but one avenue to pursue, namely, tourism. In effect, tourism has turned geographical disadvantage into a major selling point that lures thousands of visitors to the unmatched beauty of the Himalayas. When Mark Twain visited Darjeeling, the summer capital of the Raj in the 1890s, the beauty of the Himalaya moved him to poetry. Wrote Mark Twain: "The one land that all men desire to see, and having seen once by even a glimpse would not give that glimpse for the shows of the rest of the world combined." This sentiment has certainly held true for the multitude of Himalayan visitors that have followed in the writer's footsteps.

The general area under consideration (Nepal, Bhutan, the Himalayan regions of India and also Sri Lanka) displays an interesting diversity of political, social and economic systems. While India by virtue of its scientific/industrial base has tapped into the free market system through a persistent economic liberalization policy since the Rajiv Gandhi era, others like Nepal and Bhutan lack the necessary chemistry for a meaningful share of the global market. In resorting to a substantial reliance on tourism, each nation is subject to its own peculiarities in effecting tourism policy. The differences in terms of policy, implementation and planning as experienced by these countries are consistent with the levels of development achieved in the last fifty years. Despite the subtle variations, there is a certain modus operandi that is common to the policies pursued by these nations that finds its basis in a larger framework. My purpose is to place these policies in the context of the global framework of international regimes. The WTO certainly qualifies as the focal point for pursuing this line of thought.

 In the free trade system, the G-8 tailors policy based on a list of priorities that aim at maximizing the following:

- Financial markets.

- World labour and the commodities market.

- Cheap raw materials.

- A firm footing for TNCs.

- Structuring the international order.

This is a list that adheres to a strong Utilitarian logic and one that effectively subjects the G-77 to a prescribed plan of action. The G-77s response can be categorized under the following:

- Survival (structurally adjusted)

- Leapfrogging

-Welfare (Aid dependency).

The nations under consideration largely manoeuvre between the survival and dependency modes. This picture would be quite incomplete without the mention of two major players that are instrumental in the field of International Development namely IMF and the World Bank. The spillover of these complex interactions has recently been exemplified in the anti-WTO demonstrations in Seattle and the broader demands of the Jubilee 2000 movement.

My discussion points out the pitfalls and the Catch-22 scenarios resulting from the above discussed framework. Participation, transparency, institutional rearrangement and sustainable development seem to be the keywords. Community Based Sustainable Development also holds some application for issues that are specific to the needs of the developing world, touching on the notions of appropriate technology and a value orientation to policy making. The raison `d etre of my argument rests on the apparent tension between free trade and the global environment.

"The old order changeth yielding place to the new, lest the world should stagnate." (Lord Tennyson, The Passing of Arthur). Globalization personified the new order in a rather ironical fashion.

The gains of the free market also hold the risks of marginalizing many and endangering that which defines the very essence of our survival, the environment. Whether it be tourism, multinational investment, or mere subsistence, the fragility of the global environment in all of these endeavours cannot be overemphasized. 'In Fifty Years Is Enough', Susan George (1994) in evaluating the activities of the IMF-World Bank, listed the negative impacts of maximization. Persistently marginalizing the poor could induce what she calls the boomerang effect. The six boomerang are: 1. the Environment 2. Drugs 3. Taxes 4. Unemployment 5. Immigration 6. Conflict. The WTO would be well advised to seriously consider the above when directing the course of free trade.

Driving licence - A great struggle

By Vinod Adhikary

Vehicles, are increasing day by day in Kathmandu. There are also enough people who ride those vehicles, some legally and some illegally. Why are people driving their vehicles without a driving permit? Keeping this question in mind I did some research and found that when people go to get registered and get their registration number and the date for their examination, they are asked to come after three months or so. Now what are these teenagers and also adults to do with their vehicles, keep them clean without using when they know how to operate it. Oh no, that's not going happen, the vehicles are not going to sit idle. All they have to do is find someone, who has a driving licence and make a "cheat" out of his number. Or find your relative policeman and ask him to get a "chit" for you. "Chit" is a little piece of paper, which explains that your driving licence has been seized, or you have lost it. 

Here is one short conversation I overheard while waiting for the traffic to move at Putalisadak. There were two teenagers on a new bike. We all know it's those teenagers with motorbikes. It's also obvious as we see on those bumpy roads that motorbikes are increasing daily. I also got myself a motorbike. No wonder the numbers are rising. Bikes are affordable and the quickest medium for a country like ours. Secondly, they are easy to ride. People can learn to ride it in no time. Well, after hearing the conversation between Mike and Mitch, I came to know girls look at teenagers only when they are on a motorbike.  They don't give a damn to even a handsome guy is on foot or even a car. Well let's now get to this interesting conversation between Mike and Mitch.  Mitch is right behind Mike, looks like it hasn't been long since he got that shiny blue bike. 

Mike starts, "You know man, after riding this bike, I feel really cool, guess why?"

Mitch replies with a question, "Why?"

"Because girls look at me on this bike"

The guy at the back with a sad voice replies, "Really man, I guess you're lucky, I wish I had a motorbike too. Wait, I first got to get a licence, what would I do without a licence, a traffic cop will catch me and will make me pay a load of money"

Mike replies, "What, you think you're on this bike with someone who's got a driving permit?"

Mitch surprisingly asks, "What! How come?"

Mike replies, "Don't worry man, all you need is courage to ride and money."

Mitch suggests, "Hey why do you want to waste that money; try the good way, go get your licence. You won't have to spend a penny."

Mike replies, "You think I'm that stupid, I went for it and they sent me back, guess when is my test ? It's after three months. Now I can't wait for three months?"

The guy at the back replies, "Damn, I probably would have done the same thing too. Sorry man, you won't mind would you?"

I guess there are lots of Mikes out there waiting for their test.  Nobody wants to get caught. Everybody wants to ride safely and legally. Why are those tests held so long after the application?  Why not sooner?   "Chits" are increasing day by day, so let's help reduce the chits by solving this problem.

Will govt learn anything from Dunai ?

By Pritam S Rana

The Maoist raid on Dunai, the district headquarters of Dolpa should provide a new momentum to the Maoist "People's War" campaign. It also proves that the so-called negotiation between the government and  Maoists is leading nowhere and that the Maoists intend to pursue their violent campaign. Is it therefore not time for the government to decide on what to do with the insurgency?

The government should come up with a concrete and coherent plan to eradicate this lingering problem. If the Maoist leadership persists in using violence, it is high time the government fought back. The key lies in the government's resolve to mobilize the Royal Nepalese Army, rather than providing mere reactions to events. The government needs to undertake a multi-pronged offensive against the Maoists with the aim of killing or capturing rebel cadres, destroying and capturing rebel arsenals and their bases. The primary objective should be to alienate the rebel base of support by winning the hearts and minds of the people. This is pivotal to the success of any counter insurgency operation and it is far more effective than simply killing rebels.

The Dunai incident demonstrated both the ability of the rebels to mount a coordinated military assault and the lack of preparedness and  inability of the police to defend Dunai even when they had intelligence reports that told them of the impending attack. On the other hand, the timing of the raid, coinciding with the transfer of money to the government bank that was looted demonstrates the presence of Maoist sources in  town. Lack of timely reinforcement, inadequate surveillance and absence of patrols demonstrate the height of police inefficiency most eloquently.

The police ought to be aware that the force they have to deal with is not that of a group of bandits but military style guerillas who are increasingly getting better armed and organized than they were four years ago when the insurgency first started. On the other hand, police lack modern weapons and military type training and organization . At least the experience of the last five years with the Maoists should have been enough to make the government understand this.

There were indications that Dunai was to be attacked and the Central District Officer (CDO) and the police were in the know. However, they miserably failed to utilize this information and make preparations for it. Only 48 policemen were sent to reinforce the police garrison at Dunai. This was a fairly small number considering that Dunai is the district headquarters. This is certainly an example of incompetent decision and total lack of appreciation of the situation at hand.

It is being argued that the terrain of Dolpa, which is mountainous, hindered the police from effectively facing attackers. This is a poor excuse. Nepal is full of mountainous and hilly terrain and thus the police are expected to be prepared to fight everywhere. The Maoists are managing it in such inhospitable areas and are in fact using the terrain to their advantage. However, the police ought to be properly clothed for winter and adequately trained to fight in all terrains including in the hills. Besides weapons training and fieldcraft, the police ought to learn the arts of deliberate and hasty defence from the army. Digging trenches and constructing bunkers are part of the game to defend areas of vital interest from future attacks. A special emphasis should be given to improve night-fighting skills considering that Maoists seem to prefer nocturnal raids. Verey lights, which illuminate given areas for some time, and Night Vision optronic devices need to be procured. Technology, training, sound organization and good leadership are needed if the police hope to succeed.

At the Dunai raid, the Maoist guerillas used plenty of explosive devices as evident in the photographs which showed demolished brick buildings. The improvisation in constructing such powerful explosive devices by the insurgents is nothing less than remarkable. It should attract the attention of investigators on how the rebels assemble such devices using which local resources. If this indicates smuggling in of explosive devices, it should provide a serious food for thought for the authorities on how to check this illegal traffic. If the authorities choose to ignore this, it will not be long before the Maoists resort to importing advanced automatic weapons, grenades and other explosives, thanks to the porous Nepal-India border and the crores of stolen money.    

Government policy makers must stop reacting and take the initiative. If the police cannot handle it, the Army should be used. After all, what is it for? Stop the nonsense regarding the clause of the declaration of emergency in order to deploy the Army. Activate the National Defence Council. Cut the 'red tape'. Does the Maoist insurgency not pose a national security threat to Nepal and its people? How many lives will it need before something is done, something concrete, not just empty words and assurances. Is fifteen hundred lives a small figure? The government must act now to save Nepal.