A blow for repatriation

The Royal Government of Bhutan has thrown cold water over all efforts made so far by Nepal and the international community to resolve the issue of refugee repatriation. In its latest move, the Bhutanese government has dealt a severe blow to the process by killing the UNHCR formula for refugee verification. Over hundred thousand Bhutanese refugees have been languishing since ten years in the camps of eastern Nepal. They are the products of an ethnic cleansing campaign perpetrated by the Bhutanese regime. It involved persecution, incarceration and forceful eviction of the Lhotsampa (Bhutanese of Nepali ethnicity) and the eventual resettlement of the abandoned lands and property with Northern Bhutanese. The only crime of the Lhotsampa community was to ask for democracy and human rights. The despotic regime evicted one sixth of its population.

In the last ten years, the Nepalese and Bhutanese sides have held nine rounds of bilateral talks and failed to resolve the issue of repatriation mainly on account of Bhutanese intransigence. Apparently, the deadlock was over the process of verification. Obviously, the Bhutanese were looking to take back as less number of refugees as possible since they were relying mainly on the fact that they had confiscated citizenship and property documents and also forced many of the Lhotsampas to sign papers renouncing Bhutanese citizenship. Besides, they had also already classified the refugees into various categories who did not qualify to return. The Nepalese side had in turn insisted on verification through the head of family. There was a ray of hope for the Bhutanese refugees when UN High Commissioner for Refugees Sadako Ogata visited Nepal and Bhutan. After her visit, the UNHCR brought forth a compromise formula calling for individual verification for refugees above the age of 25 and identification through family head. Although the Nepalese agreed, the Bhutanese dilly-dallied then. Now, they have rejected the UNHCR formula also. Not only has the Bhutanese regime rejected the UN proposal, it has also ignored the resolutions of the European Parliament (EC). The EC had passed a resolution in 1996. This year also, its resolution in September called upon India to help resolve the problem. The Nepalese government had made this request a long time back. However, India has always maintained that this is a bilateral problem to be sorted out between Nepal and Bhutan, despite the fact that India controls both Bhutan's defence and foreign policy and it also happens to be the first land of transit. Perhaps, this is what encourages the Royal Government of Bhutan to defy all international pressure.

Obviously, the Bhutanese rejection has come as a big blow to the refugees. This is all the more reason why international pressure on Bhutan must increase. At the same time, it must be borne in mind by all Bhutanese people that as long as there is no democracy and respect for human rights in Bhutan, refugee repatriation will be impossible and probably also meaningless because it will not be a repatriation with dignity.

Indo-Russian ties: Arms deal strong as ever

By Pritam SJB Rana

Russian President Vladimir Putin's recent visit to India marks the continuation of more than 40 years of strategic partnership between the two countries. India and the former Soviet Union first signed the Friendship and Cooperation treaty in the early sixties, a key clause in it allowed the Indians to purchase Russian armament at reduced "friendly price". The special relationship between India and Russia has continued though it somewhat changed after the dissolution of the Soviet Union.

The Russian decision to sell arms to the Indians was in line with their policy of seeking allies and sympathizers for their cause during the Cold War. India, on its part, was concerned with its arch-rival Pakistan's's entry into SEATO ( South East Asia Treaty Organization), a US led collective security organization, which ensured a steady flow of US arms to Pakistan. It is to be noted that India itself refused to join SEATO for it would contradict India's avowed stand of neutrality in the Cold War . Some still believe that Indian leaders of the time were sympathetic to Moscow due to the fact that both countries pursued socialistic principles. The more realistic reason was, however, economics. The Russians offered their arms for a fraction of the price Western weapons cost. Besides, Indian policy makers perceived that the threat posed by China required large arms purchases from abroad. The Indians could not find a better deal. In the 1962 Sino-Indian border war, China captured large chunks of Indian territory in Aksai Chin (Eastern Kashmir) and NEFA (area north of Assam). From then onwards, Indian security perception was dominated by China so much that it preceded Pakistan. Also during this time, the Sino- Soviet schism had intensified and there were border incidents between these erstwhile communist allies. Thus, Soviet arms export to India served the strategy of antagonizing and isolating China well.

Moscow began supplying arms worth billions and billions of dollars to New Delhi, which included weapons of every category, meant for all the three services of Indian defence, namely the Army, Air Force and the Navy. The Indian Army received tanks, personnel carriers, artillery, antitank missiles, anti-aircraft missiles and guns and transport trucks. The Indian Air Force took jet interceptors, strike aircraft, transport aircraft, surface to air missiles and related radar equipment. The Indian Navy gradually added destroyers, corvettes, missile boats, submarines and related weapons and spares. This trend continued and the current state of affairs is such that the Indian armed forces are almost exclusively reliant on weapons of Soviet origin. However, to soften the punch, the then Soviet Union agreed to provide Indians the license to locally manufacture Soviet armament. This reduced the costs of weapons. Besides, the then Soviet Union even did not mind being paid in kind, namely Indian tea, a key export commodity of India. This was in expedient for the then Soviet policy makers.

The end of the Cold War and dissolution of the then Soviet Union had great repercussions around the world notably in Eastern Europe where democracy movements began culminating in the end of communist rule in the then Soviet Union itself. This changed global environment had its impact on the South Asian region as well. Suddenly, the new Russian government demanded hard currency payment for all its exported goods including armament, the chief source of foreign currency desperately needed in Russia to cure the ailing economy. The then Soviet Union once led the world in the production of military hardware and its export of the same far surpassed the United States. This came as a shock to India for it could no longer expect favourable terms from Moscow. Adding to this concern there were literally thousands of newly privatised armament firms which had to be located throughout the former Soviet Union, in order to obtain spares for existing equipment in service with India and also in the purchase of new ones. India has dispatched many missions to the former Soviet Union, including high level officials to find a solution to this problem. India's foreign policy is geared towards improving its ties with Russia, the largest of the former Soviet republics mainly to ensure the steady flow of spares and new equipment for its defence forces.

India continued to import arms from cash strapped Russia in the 1990s. Russia is willing to supply the best it has, a whole new generation of armaments.

The Russians are basically selling off stocks of weapons which were ordered by the former Soviet Union but which the current Russian defence forces are unable to accommodate as they are surplus. The Indian Air Force has ordered advanced Su-35 "Flanker" Multi role combat aircraft while the Indian Army wants the latest T-90 main battle tanks to counter Pakistan's acquisition of T-80 tanks from Ukraine. The most important part of these new negotiations include India's wish to purchase a Kuznetsov class aircraft carrier worth close to one billion US dollars. The latter will boost the Indian Navy's ability to project power as it deploys advanced MiG-29K " Fulcrum" multi role fighter aircraft. Previously, older Indian carriers, INS-Viraat ( ex Royal Navy HMS Ark Royal) and INS Vikrant (ex Royal Navy HMS Hermes) operated Sea Harrier MK51 fighters that offered limited fleet defence and strike capability. The current visit of President Putin is expected to give the final touch to many of these deals which will be lucrative for Russia. Besides these well publicised deals in conventional arms, analysts also expect the Indians to ask for technology transfer to upgrade ballistic missile programmes which can deliver nuclear weapons. India has already had help from Russian technology in the development of space launch vehicles, whose notorious by product are ballistic missiles. The so called indigenously developed Agni and Prithvi ballistic missiles are testament to this. Aircraft is no longer the favoured platform for nuclear weapon delivery due to their vulnerability to interception.

Another aspect of Indo-Russian strategic partnership will be cooperation against terrorism . Both India and Russia see the Taliban leadership of Afghanistan as the source of trouble in Kashmir for India and Chechnya for Russia. Both government have accused the Taliban of sending arms and fighters to help the Kashmiri resistance ( fighting against Indian rule in Kashmir) and the Chechen guerillas (who want independence from Russia). It is to be noted that only Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and UAE recognise the Taliban regime which rules most of Afghanistan.

Non-military cooperation is the agenda at present. This include possible Russian assistance in helping India build additional nuclear reactors to reduce dependency on foreign oil as well as to cater to the ever increasing demand of power. India also hopes to import diamonds from Russia, the world's largest producer, to process it in the burgeoning diamond processing industry in India.

The Indo-Russian partnership has persisted despite changes brought about by the changing global political and economic situations. However, as in the past, the arms deal seems to dominate other aspects of this relationship.

Such an Irony !

By Dr. Rohit Kumar Nepali

Walking down those lanes of new road and other famous places of Kathmandu, I was shocked to see the people just like in the fish market. There was not a single place at the departmental stores, vegetable

shops or temples where one could keep a foot.

After all it was Dasain- the festival of family reunion, the festival for wearing new clothes, the festival for exchanging greetings etc.

As I walked down those lanes, I observed that these roads consisted of

different kinds of people- people who came for shopping and those who came for begging. The shoppers came out of the shops with innumerable bags of different sizes and beggars trailed behind them.

With all that hype about the festival, the country is facing different kinds of challenges- challenges for the young generation which has to keep up with the growing fashion and trends. Beggars also face challenges. They have to compete among themselves in the game of survival. So, there lies the wide gap between the rich and the poor. Have you ever imagined the state of the people who cannot afford the festival? Or, can you imagine sharing your joys and happiness with others? The festival is believed to bring prosperity to people and rescue them from all miseries but it in fact-brings misery in the lives of many people. But how can one enjoy prosperity living in insecurity and injustice? Take for example- the Maoist affected areas where the families face the miseries of separation and hopelessness. Or people who have been forced to take part in the Maoists movement? Or victims of police atrocity? The tenth day, Vijaya Dashami is supposed to be the day of family reunion, but has it really united people this year. The number of homeless people who have become beggars has increased with the kamaiya system coming to an end.

The festival urges the devotees to offer money and animals to nearby temples of Durga and Kali, but those who don't have a penny to give away-what will they do? Are they not the devotees of the Goddess?

This is also the festival

where people eat, drink and be merry but what about the emaciated who don't have food to support them and their family for each coming

day- today?

According to Hindu mythology, those who take the holy bath for nine straight days of Nava Ratri will not suffer from any skin disease, but do you see any holy river in the city?

It is a festival of new clothes, enjoying family reunions and looking forward to the forthcoming year, but what about the poor who have to live in the same condition continously.

There lies the irony of the

poor in an underdeveloped country like ours.

Can something be done by the civil society of this problem?

Don't blame the mirror for what it shows

By Rudra Prasad Sharma

Nepalese press, the fourth estate of the nation, also known as the mirror of society, is now vacillating about its own future. On the one hand, emergence of new media houses is afoot following the increment of info-sensitized people in Nepalese society which itself is advancing towards openness and pluralistic lifestyle. On the other hand, the so-called censorship is haunting the press. Will the press be censored? How? What? When? By whom? Are the questions being asked among the intellectuals of Kathmandu.

Among these questions, When? And By whom? Are most important here. Will the very people who fought and sacrificed for democracy and freedom of expression impose censorship upon the press? Will censorship come into effect when the party --(read: Nepali Congress) which has galvanized its half a century long history with series of struggles for the sake of democracy and freedom of expression--is in power? Of course not, let's hope.

Just hoping is not enough. Let it be sure that there will be no encroachment on the right to information and its corollary, freedom of expression, if democracy is to be viable. There are some reasons for this- information is power, a currency of the market place of ideas, the prerequisite for political determination and security against usurpation. Furthermore, it is an instrument that could be used by the electorate to supervise their elected representatives. It nourishes the minds of citizens and empowers them. Consequently, they can be their own governors not mere subjects. It is, therefore, a sine qua non (An indispensable condition or thing on which something necessarily depends) for effective democracy. It is worth noting that right to information comprises three things -- right to seek, demand and impart information and thereby freedom of expression is another part of the same coin. Thus, right to information is the touchstone of all freedoms and indispensable for nearly all forms of freedoms. In view of such importance, right to information and freedom of expression are guaranteed in the constitution of Nepal 1990. Article 12 (a) of the constitution enshrines freedom of opinion and expression. Similarly Article 13(1) of the Constitution reads" No news item, article or other reading material shall be censored." Article 13 (2) adds " No press shall be closed or seized for printing any news item, article or other reading material."

Article 13 (3) states, " The registration of a newspaper or periodical shall not be cancelled merely for publishing any news item, article or other reading materials." Further, Article 16 reads " Every citizen shall have the right to demand and receive information on any matter of public importance."

However, Article 12 (a) and 13 (1) are not absolute. There are some proviso clauses which provide for making of laws to impose reasonable restriction on any act which may undermine the sovereignty and integrity of the kingdom of Nepal, the act which jeopardizes harmonious relations subsisting among the people, sedition defamation, contempt of court or incitement to offence or any act which may be contrary to decent public behaviour and morality.

These restrictive provisions are stipulated in a similar tune in clauses 14 and 15 of Press and Publication Act, 2048.

Philosophically, these are okay. As beauty is not absence of ugliness, freedom is not absence of restraint. The former can not exist in the absence of the latter. Freedom provides some rights to individuals. But right is always and everywhere correlative to duty which always curtails at least some freedoms. I mean, this was the philosophical ground adapted by the framer of the constitution while framing Article 12, 13 and 16 of the constitution.

Are these constitutional and legal provisions sufficient grounds to encroach on press freedom? Is it the right time for such interference? These are the points to be debated. What the press is doing now reflects the activities of society as it is. As such, if the press is encroached upon or restricted by any means or form or in any guise, it will be something like a mirror breaking act by a master because the mirror showed his ugly face in the mirror. In fact, the mirror has nothing to do to make the face of the master or mistress ugly or beautiful. What it can do or must do is reflect whatever appears before it. The mirror serves the master faithfully, though the master may be disquieted to see his own flaws in the mirror. In fact, the mirror provides a great opportunity to improve.

So, do not break the mirror. The master better make his face beautiful before he approaches the mirror. Therefore, let us clean the mirror, if need be. But don't blame it for what it shows. While cleaning , be careful, it may shatter.