Pull down the dam

India constructed the Laxmanpur barrage three hundred meters away from Nepal-India border across the Rapti river not only without seeking Nepal's consent but also without even the minimum needed information. By doing this, technically India has not only violated the international law but also breached understanding between the countries since it has adversely affected Nepal. The construction has, so far, submerged one thousand acres of arable land and displaced about

two hundred families. Had the government taken the right steps at the right time, neither the standing crops worth millions of rupees would have been destroyed nor would there have been dislocation of human settlement and the resultant misery. For this, the government must take the blame because of its failure to recognise the threats of the afflux dam to Nepalese people and territory and to take up the issue with New Delhi with a sense of urgency and firmness at the right time.

Floods caused by week long incessant rains have affected Holia VDC and destroyed standing crops and property worth millions of rupees. The reason was that India's recently constructed Laxmanpur barrage blocked the natural course of the Rapti river and submerged thousands of acres of land. The inundation has led to the collapse of 50 houses and there are fears that an epidemic may hit the waterlogged villages. The 13.5 km long dam is five meters high which can inundate nine village development committees and dislocate more than 500 families at any time on the side of the Nepali border. India had, for precautionary measures, resettled 52 villages on their side of the border but the Nepalese government, as usual, has failed to provide similar land for resettlement on the Nepali side of the border. As a result, local Nepalese have been pushed to the wall as they have no way out but to abandon their ancestral lands. Earlier, we had joined others in warning the government that such a situation could develop if the government failed to settle the issue with New Delhi in time.

There is no disputing that the floods have dislocated thousands of people in less than a week as a result of the Laxmanpur barrage. The acute shortage of food and medicine supplies has hit the flood affected districts. This is something the government cannot ignore. If the government does not send medical supplies and provide relief materials in time, there is bound to be an outbreak of disease after the rains abate. This will further complicate the resettlement of flood victims. It must therefore treat the problem of flood victims genuinely and act immediately. In the interest of the country as well as to avoid human disaster, all political parties must join hands and raise this issue with India so that India realises the harm it has caused to this country. If possible India should be convinced that pulling down the Laxmanpur structure itself would not only be a genuinely friendly gesture but also a move to show global concern to suffering humanity.

Corruption, a social malaise

By Sanjaya Serchan

Corruption has been called a disease, the rot that destroys a society. More prosaically, the Dictionary of English Law defines corruption as "an act of corruptly accepting, obtaining or attempting to obtain from any person any gift or consideration as inducement or reward for doing or forbearing to do, or for having done or forborne to do, any act, or for showing or forbearing to show favour or disfavour in relation to his or her principal's affair or business." The dictionary also states that "any person indulging in such an act is guilty of indictable misdemeanour, as is any person who knowingly gives to any agent, or any agent who knowingly uses with intent to deceive his or her principal, any false, erroneous or defective receipt, account or any document." Corruption refers to the misuse of power to further one's private and not public ends. Corruption is a crime, albeit a "while-collar" one.

Cause of corruption: The last few decades have seen an increasing hue and cry over corruption in Nepal. The time incidentally coincides with the rapid modernization of the Nepali society. Are the two phenomena unrelated, or are they linked, and one possibly the outcome of the other? It is argued that the roots of corruption have to be sought in the rapidly changing society. With modernization Nepal embarked on development works, the broadening of the public sector and the increased role of the state. Whereas in the past the state had primarily two functions, viz. collecting land tax and maintaining subservience of the citizens to the state, the role of the state at present has increased and diversified. This has meant dealings, procurements and contracts, in other words, more money to be handled and used and, somewhat inevitably, misused.

The state of today's Nepal is that while there is a large amount of public money to be looted, in stark contrast to Nepal of, say fifty years ago, there are not enough mechanisms in place to control such aberrant behaviour. This, however, should not be cause for outright despair. It takes time and effort to build such checks, and they include aspects related to human behaviour. An analogy from road building might be revealing. The building of a road may be difficult, but compared to its management, this part is relatively straightforward. After the road has been built, the various functions like the training of personnel to man it, telling motorists when and where to drive and stop and the speeds they can go, making pedestrians aware about the intricacies of road travel, all these are onerous tasks and the attaining of competence in them can take time and effort. For they concern not only material but also behavioural aspects, and ultimately point to culture.

Nepali society, in many respects, is still an 'oral' society where personal relations and words of mouth count, instead of what is written in the rules and regulations. Thus, people tend to rely on, if not friends, then friends of friends to get things done. And as long as there are people willing to oblige them, for their own personal benefit, the vicious cycle continues. With the resource pile small and opportunities limited, it is not surprising to see the cycle become even more vicious.

Politics and corruption: Although it will be fallacious to link all corruption to politics, the latter still has an important role to play. In a society where the state is seen as a patron, a provider, where politics is the be-all and end-all of everything, where those holding political posts (the higher the better) are regarded as wielding enormous influence in matters pertaining to the lives of citizens, corruption in the political sphere will inevitably have a pervasive impact on the society. The importance of politics and politicians also means that there are high stakes to play for in the political game. This means the influx of money, muscle and other undesirables in politics. The situation where the winning of elections has become the only end leads to the corruption of politics, which, in turn, leads to the politics of corruption. The principle that democracy offers opportunities for those willing to take it applies to corruption also. There are opportunities for corruption for those willing to dare it.

Some possible solutions: The solutions provided here have to do with the building of appropriate 'systems' or mechanisms to fight corruption, and are not concerned with personal idiosyncrasies. There can be "clean" people even in the most corrupt societies and corrupt people even in the "cleanest" of societies. Since politics has an inordinate influence in our society, the solutions begin with politics itself.

The amount of corruption in the public sector would obviously decrease if the role of the state were lessened. But in a developing country like Nepal the role of the state cannot be simply wished away, it still has an important role to play in many areas. There can, however, be reforms to curb the predatory instincts of politicians and political parties. The politicians can be made to declare their assets and the political parties their annual audited accounts, including the donations they have received. This ought to curb, to some extent, the invidious influence arising from the nexus between politicians and moneymen. Another way to check political corruption could be through the devolution of power. Acts of corruption in development or other activities at the village or district level directly impacts the intended beneficiaries. The misuse of funds, in say some water supply program, can bring forth an immediate reaction from the locals. The corruption at the centre, on the other hand, may not "directly" have an impact on the people at the periphery. The people can also lack the ability to raise their voice against such corruption. In some cases the people might even take a vicarious satisfaction in the deed, especially if some of its benefits trickle down to them.

The recent past has seen an increase in consumption among the Nepalese people. The inflow of foreign money has abetted this. Amidst this, the facilities for those in the government or bureaucracy appear inadequate. Those in some other sectors, e.g. teachers, doctors have the opportunity to partake in "extra" earnings through tuition, private clinics, consultancy work, etc. In this context, it would be naive to expect only the politicians, bureaucrats and civil servants to maintain a "culture of frugality." They should be provided with an adequate salary to maintain a dignified living.

The Commission for Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA) is the body entrusted in Nepal to look into acts of corruption. Aided by unambiguous laws and its own permanent staff, it can have an increased role to play in checking corruption. There should be every effort made to strengthen the CIAA in probing corruption at all levels of the society.

Ultimately, to return once again to the subject of politics, political will is essential in combating corruption. The determined efforts of those in the government and in political leadership can go a long way in if not completely eradicating then at least bringing corruption under control.

Romance still clings

By Leeza Sharma

Everyday I get up at 6:30 am hearing an alarm (intuition)... I tend to rush... I have a feeling that some thing is missing. Yes! It is... those good old school days... that 'gray and white' school dress... that fragile school bus 'sonu monu'... it's all over. Even that threatening wakeup calls by mom (because these days I get up earlier than time).

Nostalgic memories of the past fill up my mind. Every day it was the same old routine. I hated it then (but long to get back to that time now). School was always a place for me to have fun; we had fun while learning. Starting from the morning assembly which always seemed to continue for hours (but I miss it now). Those enchanting days full of pranks, responsibilities, expectations to be fulfilled, laughter, those endless gossips about what's hot and what's not... those forever happening unit tests, those stupid fights, those crazy crushes, acting in plays, fancy dress competitions, those songs we sang and composed. Not to forget 'antakshari' and 'dumb charads' during free classes.

Dance practices on the corridors. Principal sir's kitchen and the 'dosas' and 'Punjabi paranthas' he taught us to prepare. The ruff and tuff basketball court, our school ground getting flooded... the landslides that occurred. Those exquisite, blissful classes, those droopy eyes and eager ears longing to hear the bell ringing.

The thought of responsibilities and challenges faced... all can never be forgotten. I will always be a child clinging to the cliff of innocence by the rope of immaturity while being pulled into the abyss of adulthood by the world of deception. But that life... that charm is all gone...holding back scorching tears and a heavy heart. I still have to go a long way.Even though the romance is over between me and my school days, the marriage is still going strong and always will. For the alarm still rings at 6:30 am everyday.

Remembering BP Koirala

By Basanta Lohani

When I think of Nepal's history four names come to mind. They are Prithvi Narayan Shah, Jung Bahadur, King Mahendra and BP Koirala. The last consigned to history was BP on July 1982. In one of his many discussions with me, BP, thus described about monarchy published twenty years ago in the vernacular Paristhiti that I edited.

"What makes you say that it is easier to draw water out of rock than to draw peoples' rights out of monarchy?"

"Yes, I may have said that-may have said it in some situation. I have already told you that-this realization-I am for monarchy and for democracy too. And then, what people ask me is whether monarchy and democracy are compatible. I think monarchy has taken many forms in Nepal. One form, you see, is that of the conqueror, for example, His Majesty Prithvinarayan Shah. Another monarchy is like that of Jung Bahadur's time. Then too there was monarchy, during the Rana Regime. And then, for a few months after 1951, there was a situation of double monarchy. An empty throne, a king in Delhi. That too was a form of monarchy. We saw another form of monarchy from 1951 to 1959 too. When there was a parliament, when I was the prime minister, that monarchy too was a monarchy. After that, from 1960 to the present, there is this monarchy. That is why whenever we speak of monarchy why should we only think of a dictatorial monarchy? If I am a staunch supporter of monarchy, a supporter of that type of monarchy which, I believe, is a very honourable and venerated institution among democratic institutions and democratic systems. Because, you see, monarchy needn't be dictatorial. You realize what monarchy was during the Rana Regime, don't you? Another thing is that, according to the experience of modern history, whenever we talk of democracy and dictatorship, what we see is that in the modern age there are greater numbers of dictatorial commoners than the dictatorial monarch."

"True."

When I remember this and relate to our land, I am all the more convinced that monarchy and democracy can have a wonderfully symbiotic relationship in evolving a Nepalese society that can withstand the new challenges of time. To this end, the way BP said monarchy has to remain very honourable and venerated is rightly the way King Birendra has donned himself in the role of a constitutional monarch. What BP perhaps did not visualize then was the extent of democratic values and attitudes needed in the leadership to sustain a social change immediately after the transfer of power that a political change would bring about.

In any evolving society, politics is always in relation to time. This is more so in our context because BP took democratic values and attitudes as given, for he was alive leading the popular force. But the present woes of Nepal stem out of the fact that BP could not remain alive to lead this country for the few years after the restoration of democracy. And, I do not know if he knew that his friends and comrades could stoop so low in devastating the same values for which he fought all his life. Could he have imagined that a democratic government of his Nepali Congress would use state machinery to smuggle out gold for amassing fortunes to run democracy and likewise, his own siblings, would be involved in all sorts of unscrupulous activities?

Unlike 1950's revolution, the 1990's movement that restored democracy was more indigenous in terms of active involvement of Nepal's emerging educated middle class. This class, for all practical purposes, did not exist in 1950 and, therefore, few elites spearheaded the revolution then with Indian support that came primarily because of what India prioritized as its security interest after the Tibetan crisis. Tanka Prasad Acharya, who started the first organized revolt against the Rana rulers then, is on record saying that "the revolution was totally Indian and they forced Nepal to accept its demands." Like the revolution, the Indian interference was total in all major economic and political decisions to the extent of choosing who should become the minister and what is to be decided in the cabinet meeting managed by the Indian advisor. This is how anti India slogans started because Indian activities came directly in collision with Nepal's nationalism.

The 1990's movement was born out of blatant contradictions of the Panchayat rule more than the fallout of the Indian blockade and its attitude of fishing in the troubled waters. It became decisive only when Nepal's emerging educated middle class asserted itself by the second half of March culminating in the tripartite agreement between the King, Nepali congress and the Communists. This gave an historic opportunity for the leadership of the Nepali Congress to usher in an era of social change by practicing the values that it fought for and talked so much about.

The stage was all set for it; the new rulers enjoyed such a massive legitimacy as never before, the constitutional monarchy was well defined, the country had considerable infra- structural strength, the middle class was agile and buoyant and the Indian temptation of interference was much less as compared to 1950s. Despite all this, the leadership has failed miserably because of its incompetence, lack of vision, and weakness. The new political leadership has slaughtered the values necessary for sustaining social change through democratic pluralism. Being in politics was like adolescent romanticism that flowed along with the times into struggle for power seeking but has ended up in money seeking exercises in collusion with smugglers and criminals. This is how Nepal has now become a looter's paradise.

Thus, the social values have degenerated to such an extent that to be corrupt has ceased to be something to be ashamed of in present-day Nepal as if it were part of the game. Corruption control agencies are made virtually defunct. Liberal economic policies, formulated by the multilateral agencies of the west for Nepal's economic development without sensitivity to our structural peculiarities and that our government has implemented the same knowing very little about its ramification, have also escalated corrupt practices in building a consumerist culture with no sustaining economic activities. In this process, we have also lost the built-in mechanism of our society sustained by the traditional values of right behaviour. An overnight millionaire through corrupt practice can rub shoulders with the political dons of our country and can move in the society like a highly sought after person. This new culture that is spreading its wings and devouring the vitality of Nepalese society is like malignant tissues consuming the healthy ones in succession.

This is how leadership is at further peril. Human beings have both the ability to conflict and work for agreement. In our case, those who are at the leadership are conflicting and also working for agreement not for causes related to the nation, but for self seeking purposes. When we see the faces of leaders in waiting, the scenario is further disturbing. Like in the bordering Indian state, Bihar, what we have now in our country is 'functional anarchy' amidst increasing levels of violence, poverty and highly skewed distribution of the nation's income and wealth. Thus is the common life sandwiched between Maoist and non-Maoist self-seekers. We have dismantled the old but could not build new structures. Nepali Congress leaders constantly talk about the threat to democracy. If there is indeed a threat to democracy, it is mostly because of incompetence, bad governance, plunder of the nation's resources, greed and the ever growing contradictions inside Nepal Congress. The new brand of 'uterine congress' and its conglomerates, in occasions such as his birth anniversary, eulogize BP's name and his democratic socialism in a parlance of unsurpassed ceremonial height to cover its greed and Mafia activities. Could there be a greater insult to him than this? We have a constitutional monarchy but not BP, not his values. This is where I remember him the most on his 87th birth anniversary.