Protect indigenous seeds

Genetically-developed hybridized seeds increasingly used by Nepali farmers have been supplanting indigenous seeds. The reason for this unfortunate state of affairs is that the government has developed no new hybridized seeds that yield better crops in the country. As a result, Nepali farmers have to depend on importing foreign seeds worth millions of rupees every year. This has also led farmers to disregard indigenous brands of seed. If the government had taken proper measures to genetically hybridize indigenous seeds, the country would not have had to import such a large quantity of seeds that do not adapt well to our soil. Neither would the growth of the agricultural sector have suffered so badly. The fact is that the genetically-developed imported seeds do not have any breeding capacity and consequently, the farmers have to import seeds from foreign companies every time they sow. This has become a matter of serious concern.

Seeds Entrepreneurs Association of Nepal (SEAN) states that Nepal imported seeds worth Rs 351 million in the last fiscal year alone through organized dealers. A large quantity of imported seeds remains unrecorded due to the porous border between Nepal and India. The reason why Nepali farmers prefer imported seeds to indigenous ones, is that imported seeds yield better crops in the short term and can be grown even out of season to fetch better prices. The indigenous brands of rice - Basmati, Rajbhog, Manabhog - are no longer grown in the eastern region of the country. Indian brands of paddy and maize, which are easily available on the market, have gradually been replacing indigenous seeds. This has no doubt affected the country’s biodiversity severely. Despite this fact, the government has neither taken the development of the agricultural sector seriously nor has it met the demand for hybridized seeds.

The import of seeds in larger quantities certainly affects the agriculture sector more than the fact that they yield high value crops and cereals. The country will have to pay a "royalty" whenever it imports seeds once it joins the World Trade Organization. This apart, new diseases will begin to appear in crops as the imported seeds are genetically unsuitable to the climate of Nepal. This is the main reason why imported seeds grown in the country lack breeding capacity. The government has no option but to protect the indigenous seeds if it intends to make this country self-reliant in agriculture. Imported seeds have not only harmed the growth of agriculture but has also made farmers reliant on such imports. Therefore it is high time the government invested more in the agriculture sector and used better technology to improve the indigenous seeds to meet domestic demand and produce better crops even out of season.

Democratic discourse

By Lok Raj Baral

Two contradictory trends showing both silver lining in the ongoing political exercise and frightening uncertainty and disillusionment with the capacity of parties and leaders dominate the ten years’ democratic discourse of Nepal. The first trend focuses on the positive side of the whole exercise that has been carried out against the background of transition from an authoritarian model into a multiparty one. Judged objectively, the transition that was made possible by compromise of the principal political forces laid the ground for a stable two party dominant system through electoral processes. Similarly, crafting of various institutions, conduct of periodic elections, participation of about 60 percent of people in all general and local elections are no less spectacular in a poor country like Nepal. Moreover, the retreat of the CPN (UML) and other left parties except the Maoist from militancy to present themselves, if clubbed together, as an alternative force in the context of ongoing parliamentary politics, and the overall strategic flexibility of systemic parties noticed during the last ten years are noteworthy. Although some conflicting opinions and tactical lines adopted by these left parties sometimes send a wrong signal for the sustainability of the multiparty system, they, particularly the CPN (UML), cannot however be wished away for the present.

Thus, a paradoxically prismatic situation exists in the Nepali multiparty system with communities as an alternative to the NC. Whether or not these left parties would provide perennial guarantee to the continuity of the multiparty system depends on their own future role. Yet, viewed against the background of many left groups, the present system seems fraught with both imponderables and uncertainty. For ensuring the longevity of the system as well as for moderating the communists also depends on the good image, homogeneity and efficiency of the NC party and government.

Despair, uncertainty and fear of backlash, misgovernance, rampant corruption and a bleak prospect of the multiparty system itself by contrast characterize the second aspect of the whole exercise. And defences advanced by politicians for the bright side of the process are esoteric at best and "empty rituals" at worst. The unfolding of past legacies rooted in the culture and behaviour of Nepal's political elites was evident during the entire ten years’ time demonstrating their spurious commitment to the established process. Although the crafting of institutions was smooth against the background of political diversities of forces and shifting ideological positions they have been displaying over the years, parties in general have not been able to pass the public test despite their electoral gains and increase of seats in the parliament. Elections themselves carry no sense if the government and parties mandated by the people fail to act decisively for transformation of the country qualitatively. If a party cannot function as an organization by accepting the minimum norm, how can the system achieve legitimacy?

How the newly crafted institutions such as parliament, judiciary, government and other constitutional bodies are working and how the general people perceive them for their overall function is also significant. Voters who have generally been enticed both by the ‘mobilizational populism’ of the parties and by a variety of other resources, prominently money and muscle power, seem to provide dispassionate judgements after the election as our recent field works in some districts have suggested. The general people at the grassroots and other levels are better critics of politicians who treat them merely as a vote bank. Surprisingly, such negative popular perceptions about parties and politicians have, on the contrary, improved the evaluative capacity of the people without, however, having translated their anger into electoral outcome.

Although despairing of and fatigued by unscrupulous politicians, the people find that they have no other options but to improve the system. Yet, some do not see any prospect of improvement and hence prefer to find more extreme steps for redemption. Now it has been realized that crafting of institutions and politics as usual is not a sufficient solution to the country’s overarching crises. How far these institutions are capable of managing crises or conflict becomes crucial. It seems that Nepal’s major political changes since 1951 to 1999 have only been partly successful in making any dent in the hierarchical social and political structures based on ascription. So it is difficult to speculate today how the trajectories of democratic politics would be shaped by parties and leaders whose primordial loyalties are stronger than the demand of qualitative change of the status quo.

Lack of coordination among the various agencies of the state and interpersonal and intra-party feuds that hit the efficacy of the government have made the whole exercise more painful for the people. Sometimes, we are constrained to grope in locating the actual power and status of the government mandated by the people because political leaders have invariably compromised the spirit of the Constitution in order to cling to power and positions that have been used exclusively for patronage distribution.

Although the transition seems to be a longer one with high potential of disruption due to the weaknesses of the political parties, they (parties) have, nonetheless, been able to show a kind of systemic cohesiveness for these years for safeguarding the system. Yet, stability ensured by the parties would alone matter little if the democratic essence of progress is lacking in conducting the affairs of state. Since the systemic parties have no alternative to the existing regime because of the compulsions of time and the international context, they are under tremendous pressure to be both systemic and performance-oriented. Whatever stories of political backlash are circulated deliberately or otherwise therefore seem to originate from the weaknesses of political leaders who find fault with others rather than try to be confident of their own role for running the government and party.

Nostalgic of the past in the wake of failure of political parties and leaders, ordinary people may consider authoritarianism as a solution to the malaise of the country. Though it can be an instant reaction of the people, such experiment is bereft of its credibility and capacity to continue beyond a certain period. Yet, by way of caution, it can be stated that politicians may manipulate the existing democratic system for their own interest to the exclusion of ordinary people. Continued dominance of elitism based on rigid socio-economic and political hierarchy, regional and communal feeling being spread on flimsy pretexts, progressive decline of institutions to work as agencies of conflict management, and the erosion of the role of the state for providing minimum human security as per the spirit of the constitution would, if left uncorrected, dampen the prospect of democratic survival. Can the parties in power and in opposition wake up to these challenges and work in tandem to stem them? Or will they allow the country to head towards a major catastrophe?

Amidst globalisation mantras

By Nitya Nanda Timsina

The other day scientists in the United States made genetically modified monkeys and it looks like nothing impossible in the future, but for us, even the trivial requirements of life seem difficult to get fulfilled.

When the entire world is in the process of making an important transition from the first phase of globalization to the second phase, we are still slogging along at the same old pace.

I was intensely excited about being a part of the global community and wished to live in a global village, but in the remote part of the Himalayas where I live, I see things much the same as they have been for the last ten years.

For the last ten years, we have been tuned to the news that globalization and the latest technological revolution will bring a change to our society. Yet, it looks like we need a hundred years to achieve this aspiration. How can it build a world based on a global village?

The public enterprises are still largely unable to take up social responsibility and the benefits of development percolate only to the business class.

If those sporadic sales of computers constitute globalization, then the much-hyped up word "globalization" spoken like God is nothing but sheer nonsense. Is there any cause for celebration? Goes the argument.

When some hawk-eyed businessmen sell computers at inflated prices, does it mean that the 80 percent of our people living in rural miseries in perpetual darkness having no electricity but just Bunsen burners to light their houses have anything to do with the computers? Moreover, with the recent hike in kerosene prices their demand has finally shifted to firewood.

The Americans want credit for those vast forests that draws all its smoke from the air, while the Europeans say it wants to claim the credit. The losing card finally goes to the third world countries whose forests are breathing out only carbon dioxide because people cannot afford electricity and kerosene but only firewood. Thanks to the globalization and advent of computer technology.

The pace of development is slogging along at the same rate despite the fact that we have to lose this score card and our factories and industries are smokeless.

In fact, the word "globalization" itself is confusing to us. How can we think that it will address Nepal’s socio-economic ills where basic requirements of life like food and light still remain like an unfulfilled dream. Not many people can afford to live in durbars while several thousands of people live in poverty and starvation.

It’s indeed true that the world’s top 200 billionaires made profits of $ 1.1 billion from computers in 1999 itself while those 582 million people in the least developed world lived on less than a dollar a day in 1999.

This must be a wrong notion in us that the more the computers we possess, the richer we become and that is called globalization or that if two affluent countries like America and Britain merged or India and Pakistan resolved their differences, people quickly term it globalization.

I’m not the kind of person to raise anti-Hrithik or anti- America feelings but wish to know which part of the globe is meant for globalization and by achieving what? The rules of the World Bank and IMF say that we have to integrate our economies and we heard from very many sources-both government and media - that we are following suit. Yet, trying to see things different, I could only figure out some sporadic sales of computers and a few microbuses in our city. Yet, There is no visual benefit ever since the mantras of globalization started around 1990.

Twin enemies: Poverty and unemployment

By Krishna Prasad Acharya

Poverty is a global challenge. It is pervasive in the developed as well as developing countries of the world in the form of either relative or absolute poverty. According to the World Development Report 2002/2001, an alternative definition of poverty is lack of the resources required to participate in activities and enjoy living standards. This report also suggests that to attack poverty requires promoting opportunity, facilitating empowerment and enhancing security. Therefore opportunity, empowerment and security are three important areas for attacking poverty. However, World Development Report 1990 had proposed promoting labour intensive growth through economic openness, investment in infrastructure and providing basic services to poor people for health and for education. Poverty is vulnerability and lack of voice, power and representation. The poor are deprived of education and health as well. Similarly, unemployment can be expressed either as a number or as a percentage. It is defined as those who are available for work at current wage rates and are of working age, but have no work.

So, children, pensioners and those who are not looking for work are not included among the unemployment. But in practice, it is very difficult to measure the unemployment rate as a government wants unemployment figures to be as low as possible whereas the opposition parties want those rates to appear as high as possible.

Nepal’s efforts: Nepal is a poor country with a population of over 23 millions, a GNP per capita of US $ 220 and the average annual growth rate is not more than 5 percent. The population below the poverty line is 42 percent, which is the national figure of poverty. If we apply the international poverty line to Nepal, the population with below $ 1 a day is 37.7 percent of the total. As poverty is a challenge to the nation, the current ninth plan has focused mainly on poverty reduction and increase in employment opportunities. The prime objective of the ninth plan has been to alleviate poverty, that being the main enemy of the nation. All development activities of the government are centered on wiping out poverty so as to narrow the gap between haves and have nots. The agricultural perspective plan of the government also aims at reducing poverty. Other similar activities of the government are the Food for Work Programme, Western Nepal Poverty Alleviation Programme, decentralization and the Grameen Banks in all five regions. Economic organizations like the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank and donor countries give loan or other assistance to Nepal after assessing if the projects that Nepal launches are directed towards poverty reduction. For instance, the government of Nepal and the government of the UK have recently signed an agreement to combat poverty under its Enabling State Programme (ESP) towards pro-poor governance in Nepal. This makes it clears that well wisher donor countries are also interested in alleviating poverty. It is hoped that such programmes will definitely help eradicate poverty from the country.

The next enemy of the nation is unemployment. Of course, poverty and unemployment are linked to each other. Unemployment and disguised unemployment are the main causes of poverty in Nepal. Unemployment breeds poverty and poverty itself is lack of employment opportunity. According to government figures in the ninth plan, there is 4.9 percent unemployment and 47 percent disguised unemployment in the total labour force. The main employment sector of the economy is agriculture, absorbing around 81 percent of the labour force. About 5 percent of the economically active population is engaged in industry, mines, electricity and construction whereas the remaining 14 percent work in hotels, tourism, transport, communications and the financial and social sectors.

As the agricultural sector is to be development as the leading sector of the economy, it should contribute to reducing poverty and increasing income and employment opportunities. The Agricultural Perspective Plan (APP) emphasizes rural roads, irrigation, rural electrification, horticulture and animal husbandry that will ultimately increase the employment and income of poor people. The successful implementation of the APP will result on the one hand in an increase in production and growth in the GDP and on the other in a decrease in the unemployment rate.

The gloom side: The market economy was seen as a key to reducing poverty in the world. It was felt that market reforms could boost growth and help the poor. However, the poor are becoming poorer in the name of economic liberalization, privatisation and globalization. As the impact of market reforms differs for different groups in the economy, there are winners and loosers and the loosers can include the poor.

Nepal embarked on the path towards a market economy in l992. Economic liberalisation and privatisation have shown a positive impact in the urban areas, but also resulted in a rise in unemployment and prices. As a result, the poor are mostly hit. Many workers have been laid off because of the privatisation of state owned enterprises. Furthermore the government has withdrawn subsidies on all essential goods like fertilizers, sugar and kerosene. Because of liberalisation, the wages of unskilled labour have declined and the price of produce has done likewise due to the open border with India. Neither are the poor farmers involved in planning for their local needs nor are they employed in the projects, which are selected by the central authority. Every programme and project is launched in order to increase employment for the poor, in writing. But there is lack of implementation and commitment from the bureaucracy and from the political leaders.

Conclusion: We see that there exists a close relationship between unemployment underemployment, poverty and unequal distribution of income. It is difficult to presume that the unemployed are poor people. There are some voluntarily unemployment in the urban areas in the sense that they are searching for a very specific kind of job because of high expectations. Such people are unemployed by definition but they may not be poor.

Similarly, many self employed workers work in the informal sector but may earn very little cash income. Such people are by definition fully employed, but they are still very poor. Hence, there is direct linkage between poverty and unemployment. It is true that one of the major mechanisms for reducing poverty and inequality in Nepal is the provisions for productive employment opportunities for the very poor. Nepal’s every developmental effort has been geared towards poverty reduction and expanding of employment opportunities. However, there is lacuna when it comes to proper implementation and monitoring of the project. To conclude, the poor should be relieved of the clutches of poverty as one of the main sources and ways of foreign aid in Nepal has been poverty alleviation programmes that the government commits itself to before signing any paper.