Set an example

The explanation put forward by the Royal Nepal Airlines Corporation (RNAC) in its so called "white paper" is to bring up more questions than it answers. The controversial deal has already dragged in the Prime Minister who had presided over a cabinet meeting that cleared the way for RNAC to bring in the jet despite earlier bar by the concerned ministry to do so. The ministry had asked the state owned airlines to abide by existing norms, rules and laws. The very first contradiction in the RNAC paper is the price tag of the lease. It had vehemently been maintaining that the net cost was 3350 US dollars per flying hour. Now it has come out with a figure of 3886 US dollars per flying hour. According to its own figure, the cost per seat per month for the minimum guaranteed 300 hours comes to around 4518 US dollars. The net cost per month for the corporation, according to its own released figures for the 258 seater jetliner will be almost 1.12 million dollars. This takes the RNAC figures at face values and presumes that there will be no other additional costs than those given out by the corporation. In addition, RNAC has not been able to explain why the age of the aircraft to be leased kept changing. The Lauda Air Boeing 767 leased by RNAC is 12 years and 8 months old. RNAC had initially stipulated the age of the aircraft to be leased at 5 years and later it was increased to 10 years. But nowhere has the airlines extended the age beyond ten years. The RNAC paper is silent on this point for it is fully aware that the age was extended merely to acquire the present aircraft.

The RNAC contention in its paper that it needed the aircraft to meet the anticipated rise in air passenger traffic, could not be further from the truth. Nepal’s tourist arrivals were already declining from December 1999. The figures prove the point. By end of August 1999 -- presumably the figures used by RNAC to justify the September deal -- the tourist arrivals overall had fallen by 13.69 percent compared to the same period the previous year. The fall in the number of arrivals of Indian tourists was 33 percent and those from other countries 1.17 percent. There is, therefore, little or no justification for the airlines to project unwarranted tourism growth and to acquire what has not only become a white elephant but also a symbol of irregularity, if not downright corruption. But above all, the manner in which the airlines management acted as it did despite restraining directive from a parliamentary committee and a letter from its own ministry, gives rise to suspicion of unfair play. That the CIAA is investigating into the deal -- we hope it does a thorough deed with the help of Austrian government if necessary -- should point to the seriousness of the issue to all those concerned. The sooner the guilty in this deal is punished the better it will be for the country as it will help set an example.

Wake up or face doom

By Dr Shreedhar Gautam

Often we hear rumours that partyless system can be restored any time using this or that pretext. Some may take this talk lightly, terming it baseless and a creation of sheer imagination. However, the political history and present events compel us to ponder over the matter seriously. We all know that the dissolution of the Parliament in 1961 didn’t come all of a sudden, but as a result of concerted efforts by some powerful leaders to nullify the provision of the Constituent Assembly contained in the Interim Constitution.

History shows that some prominent leaders, including Tank Prasad Acharya and K I Singh, were not only against the Constituent Assembly but also saw no harm in the eventuality of the dissolution of the Parliament and dismissal of the elected Nepali Congress government. Some individual leaders as well as political institutions were also indirectly involved in preparing the ground for such an act. We have read similar articles and interviews given by former prime ministers and ministers of the Panchayat era from time to time, in favour of King’s active political leadership. Very recently, an interview with the chairman of National Assembly, advocated the direct rule of the King.

Why are these leaders pleading for King’s active leadership and absolute power enjoyed in the erstwhile system? They are openly urging the revival of the old system mainly because of the widespread frustration and disappointment in public life, caused by the present inefficient and corrupt government, reminding the days of 1959-61. In the aftermath of the 1990’s people’s movement, many corrupt leaders of the Panchayat era were worried, fearing legal actions or establishment of a commission to look into their corrupt rule and plundering of national money. But very soon they realised that these so-called people’s leaders were worse than the Panchayat rulers.

Forget the question of initiating any action against them, these political leaders embraced them wholeheartedly and also offered them some sensitive and constitutional posts making fun of the people’s sacrifice and the spirit of anti-Panchayat movement. Today, the same old leaders are also exploiting the situation created by the Maoist activities in their favour. All these events indicate a danger to the limited fundamental rights gained 10 years ago.

If the present fragile political situation remains unchanged, there is a strong possibility of foreign power’s involvement using one political group against another as in the past when some treaties, including 1950 Treaty, were signed at cost to national sovereignty. Our history is a testimony to the vulnerability of our leaders who signed unequal treaties in the past with a view to lengthening their political survival, ignoring the vital interest of the country. Present leaders of the ruling party are resorting to the game of placating a foreign power to ensure their political longevity. The controversial Citizenship Bill, passed last summer by the parliament, should be seen in this context.

Unfortunately, the main opposition has exposed its opportunistic and unprincipled character more than once, especially when the Mahakali Treaty was passed with its active support. The controversial Citizenship Bill, has now been sent to the Supreme Court by the King. Had the opposition party been strong and foresighted, it could have easily prevented its passage from the Parliament by forcing the government to give up its plan. Now again the erstwhile Panchayat leaders have got an excuse to justify King’s active leadership. They are saying that it is the King’s obligation to protect and implement the provisions of the Constitution. This situation could have been averted if our ruling as well as opposition party leaders had behaved responsibly, applying their commonsense.

The country is in the political turmoil because of the inefficient government and visionless opposition. The government’s anti-people policies are responsible for anti-democratic outbursts by the erstwhile Panchayat leaders and for the increasing Maoist activities. It should also be noted that in the name of directing attack upon the system and the government, the Maoist leaders seem oblivious to the possibility of their "People’s War" being hijacked by the anti-democratic forces, bent upon subverting the present parliamentary system.

The country has helplessly been watching the arbitrary exercise of power by the ruling party and inept handling of the situation by the opposition. Though this time around, the opposition has raised the Lauda Air deal case vigorously, it cannot be said that the party will show full determination to root out the corruption from the public offices. It can go for any compromise settlement without insisting upon some remedial measures to curb such cases in future. The opposition leaders themselves are not above the board of suspicion as regard to corrupt practices. Both parties are responsible for the deteriorating political culture.

The country draws immediate attention to change people’s perception and style of governance. Growing awareness and the spirit of struggle on the part of the people can force the government to revert its anti-people policies. The government can neither solve the Maoist problem nor can it calm down the voices resembling the 1960-61 years, if it fails to see the writing on the wall. The ruling leaders have a greater responsibility to tide over the present crisis. If the party continues to place an individual above the party and country’s interest, the country can either go in the way of 1961 or plunge into civil war as witnessed in Sri Lanka and Afghanistan. The party seems to have learnt nothing from the example of Peru’s corrupt Fuzimori, who had to flee the nation, following people’s uprising.

I am sorry to say that the party lacks not only inner democracy but is also devoid of wise leaders. Sher Bahadur Deuba was defeated in the last general convention because he had neither a different agenda nor an inspiring leadership quality. His men were canvassing for him with the slogan "respect for Girija Babu, vote for Sher Bahadur". If Girija Babu deserved so much respect, why was he fighting against him? It shows he was not against Girija Babu’s policies as such, but wanted to hold his position without any programme to liberate the party from the prevailing chaos and anarchy.

If the government really wants to safeguard the present democratic experiment, it should be accountable to the people. It should try to build public confidence by making immediate administrative reforms, including a transparent audit of all public finances so that the cases like the Lauda Air deal could be checked in future. The government should initiate dialogue with the Maoists and should deal with public protests with extreme care, without resorting to unprovoked firing as in the case of Hrithik Roshan episode. Similarly, the government should initiate a process to fill all high constitutional positions after taking the opposition into confidence.

The time has come to wake up for our ruling as well as opposition leaders. If they continue to treat the misuse of office as their’s right, undemocratic forces will take over democracy. If the main political parties, the ruling party and the opposition CPN-UML, still remain happy with the way things are, they will have to embrace an impending doom very soon. It is because of them that within a short span of time, democracy in the country has become a scandalous business rather than a lively affair.

Deciphering religious riddles

By C B Dahal

I cannot say I am a true believer, but neither can I slot myself as an atheist. I am someone, like you - an in-between - but not a die hard atheist.

All places of worship have their own dictums. I have come across secular people and yet harbouring religious zealotism deep under. Some end up being black and see red if certain rudimentary dictums are overlooked. A Gurdwara needs you never to be bareheaded (I never wear a cap) and a Gompa prefers uncovered head, Masjid forbids wearing any footwear - yet carrying it tucked under the arm seems to be fairly tolerated, but the Church would want you in formal attire. And, we have the 33 million odd Gods, each one with unique fancies, moods, colours and, above all, the manners to appease them. One mistake, you fall from grace. Unless you are born Hindu, (is it a religion or the way of life?) then forget about even trying to decipher these religio-dictums.

But, as a Hindu - many claim Hinduism as the most secular and the encompassing form of religion anywhere - the dictum seems to change according to the interpreters. While visiting Benaras and falling prey to my rather religious mood, I opted for a tonsure. Feeling my hand over my head after the barber finished his job, I was surprised to find my top turf missing. On asking why it had been cleanly swiped, the barber and of course the accompanying Pandits - unfazed vouched for me, ‘This is Benaras and here you can make clean sweep." Fine with me, I have refrained from growing it again.

But, the other day, another Pujari was seen looking at me, possibly thinking what he should do with one minus the turf. Before he could stop me, I made quick round and slithered-off.

A few months ago, I had this sudden urge to visit Lord Pashupatinath. After much wait and braving the slothish queue, I reach the silver-door. I handed my offerings to the pujari, who in his practised swiftness spread it evenly on the back of the Basaha. And, to his surprised chagrin, no currency fell off the offerings - which in my inspired devoutness had completely overlooked to add, thinking Lord would be quite contented with flowers.

The pujari, gave a quick hard look at me and with his practised nimble hand pushed me so deftly that I found myself balancing on the last step of the Lord’s abode, sans even the mandatory tika.

I had heard someone say that the size of laddoo (prasad) and the entry-speed to Lord Tirupati Temple in south India is directly proportional to the number of green-notes one can fish-out. But, I had not bargained Lord Pashupatinath of adopting similar procedures here too. Maybe it has some southern influences? Oh! God! Do enlighten me.

Discriminating the distressed

By Kuldip Nayar

What differentiates a democratic polity from other systems of governance is the sense of equality, which people cherish. They have the confidence that the government, even without pointing it out, will give them a fair deal. They feel protected under the law of the land and the constitution ensures them that there is no difference of treatment by the State.

Those living in India cannot believe -- or even brook the thought -- that the situation can develop in such a way where the government would be discriminating rather than dispensing. That is what has been happening in certain parts of the earthquake-affected Gujarat. The expectation was that the state would be more solicitous and come heavily on those who had tried to make a distinction. Also, there has been no action against those who have shown bias.

Stories emanating from Gujarat do not make a happy reading. The criteria for distribution of relief help is said to have been caste, creed and religion. High caste Patels have not allowed relief vehicles to reach many places because the population living there belongs to lower castes which, the Patels describe as "the disease-ridden people."

A non-government organisation, after touring the affected area in Rajkot, Surendranagar and Jamnagar, had said that cases of "class discrimination" in relief distribution was "assuming alarming proportions." Dalits in Rajpur are bitter about it because they believe that the Thakkars and Jains, belonging to the upper castes, have "got everything they required." At other places, there have been protests against the "oppression of entrenched caste society."

Some areas where the Muslims live have been purposely left out without any relief or rehabilitation work. The discrimination against them has been open. The press has complained about it. Some newspapers have even cited examples, alleging how the RSS and the VHP activists have "hijacked" relief supplies in the Kutch. The government appears to have connived at such flagrant instances of bias and prejudice.

Muzamil Jalil, covering the earthquake for his multi-edition English daily, has been a victim of anti-Muslim bias. One state BJP leader has publicly criticised him for sending "anti-national" reports. One of his stories was on the protest demonstration by minorities against discrimination in the distribution of relief aid. This was reported by other papers as well. But Jalil was so harassed that his paper had to tell his tale of woes on its front page and point out how he felt handicapped in his work.

That the Vishwa Hindu Parishad’s demand to reject the Vatican aid has gone uncondemned by the ruling BJP, indicates the extent to which the prejudice is being allowed to be injected into the body politics of the state. Why should he voice of Archbishop Cyril Mas Baselles be the lonely one in protest? Why should the foreign office, opening its mouth more often than not, remain silent when VHP insults the Pope? What about the BJP high command? It is prickly enough to pounce on the President if he does not agree with its thinking on the constitution or other matters. But when it comes to foreign dignitaries the party does not show any sensitivity and allow insults to be heaped on them.

Apparently, there is some truth in the allegations of discrimination. Certain things have gone wrong. Instances of injustice are glaring. Otherwise, senior leaders like V P Singh and Inder Gujral, both former Prime Ministers, wouldn’t have urged Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee to ensure that the relief material was distributed without a distinction. Delhi and Ahmedabad are conspicuous by their silence. Had they even mentioned that there were complaints which would be looked into, the odium of bias would not have stuck to them. The Muslims and Dalits would have felt pacified.

During the super cyclone in Orissa 15 months ago, there was not a single complaint of prejudice based on caste or creed. The state was clueless and bungled all the way during the relief and rehabilitation operation. The government is still lost in the problems it has created on its own. But even then, none said that such and such locality had been left out because it was that of the Muslims or the Dalits.

"We are poor and that has made the Centre differentiate between our state and Gujarat," a parliament member from Orissa has complained to me. Another MP from the same state has pointed out that Orissa did not get "its due" because at the time of super cyclone, it was under the Congress government and it could not, therefore, expect a "generous help" from the BJP-led coalition at the Centre.

Both charges may not be fully correct but there is a grain of truth in them. New Delhi woke up late and did not give initially the importance which the calamity should have received. Yet the government in Bhubaneswar cannot be absolved of the blame. It was tardy, first in the distribution of relief goods and then in mapping out the rehabilitation programme for the victims. There is, however, no doubt that the worst sufferers of the cyclone have been the have-nots. In contrast, most of the earthquake victims are the haves. That ay be one of the reasons why the cyclone disappeared from TV screens quickly while the quake continues to have attention.

For reasons unknown, New Delhi did not dwadle over foreign assistance when it came to Gujarat. In fact, it sent fervent appeals -- the Prime Minister also made a statement -- to outsiders to send aid and lifted all restrictions and tariffs on it. Why did not Orissa get the same access by the world? The foreign office’s slow reaction has become an integral part of outside response to calamities in the country. It wasted the first 24 hours after the quake in Gujarat over the rigmarole of rules and regulations.

The case of Orissa was worse. New Delhi did not straightaway seek foreign assistance. Subsequently, after several days, the policy remained ambiguous, allowing assistance but not admitting that it was coming. In fact, there is still no firm policy on foreign assistance at the time of disasters. Somehow there is diffidence about it. It is not understandable why there should be a reluctance in accepting relief when there is a situation beyond our resources. We too, with our limited means, have sent relief to the victims of earthquakes and other tragedies outside the country.

And, as usual, New Delhi has taken advantage of the devastation. The surcharge of two per cent on income tax is nothing short of that. An earning of Rs 1,200 crore from the surcharge is a drop in the ocean. Why start taxing piecemeal when the budget, which will propose different taxes, is only a few days away? The government has not yet made clear whether or not the taxpayers who have suffered in the Gujarat earthquake would have to pay the surcharge. The entire state should be exempted.

And one would argue for transparency in the relief aid collected from within India and received from outside. So much money was collected for the Orissa cyclone and many times more for Gujarat. There has to be some ways to let the public know how much was collected and how was it distributed. This particularly applies to the PM’s Relief Fund. Probably, it is audited but that is not enough. A detailed status of receipts and expenditure should be presented to both houses of parliament. Such a step would stop the prevailing impression that all is not well with the collections made and spent.

Adversity often brings out the best or worst in man. He may find his greatest humanitarian self or sink abysmally. There are best of examples in Gujarat. It is a pity that the government has spoilt its image by introducing politics to the tragedy which has engulfed all, whatever the religion and whatever the status.