Maoist mayhem

The Maoist massacre of forty-one policemen in Lamjung, Nuwakot and Gulmi Friday night comes as confirmation that the government in Kathmandu is fast losing control over large swathes of the country it is supposed to govern. These latest killings come on top of previous massacres. Last April the Maoist insurgents killed over 40 police personnel in Rukumkot of Rukum, Naumoole of Dailekh and in Dolakha. They had killed over a dozen in Dunai in September. This is not counting the odd policeman or two dying here and there at Maoist hands with sickening regularity. What the Koirala government now presides over is in effect a rump Nepal, and not the one that generations of school children have been taught extends proudly from the Mechi to the Mahakali. In a large tract of hill and country to the west of Surkhet, the government’s writ hardly runs. And while the blood letting continues and the Maoists keep going from strength to strength, the aging political leadership in distant Singha Durbar clings on to office by the skin of its teeth, unable to squarely face the deepening crisis and unwilling to let others do so.

The mainstream political establishment is a house divided over the Maoist issue and the Nepali Congress a house divided within that divided house. Under the circumstances, what can they possibly make of the situation. The Nepali Congress keeps talking about saving democracy and the plurality it alone makes possible. This is echoed to some extent by the other parties also. But that may no longer be the name of the game. It is now more a question of the survival of the nation state that Prithvi Narayan Shah bequeathed unto us. The government’s cardinal sin is that it has not been able to rally the country around itself and take the bull by the horns. Instead it goes in for ill thought out measures like indirectly muzzling the press or clamping down the public security regulations. There is no sincere attempt at serious talks with the Maoists, and no full blooded counter revolutionary crack down either. It has not even come up with any official reaction to the latest Maoist mayhem. Yet this is no time to be wishy washy. If Prime Minister Koirala and his cohorts need to move heaven and earth to put an end to the Maoist menace, then that is precisely what they should be doing. If
they cannot do so, then they should bow out.

Even handedness requires that the Maoists too be taken to task for the butchery at Bichaur, Taruka and Wamitaksar. The forty one killed in those three clashes were all ordinary citizens of humble economic background who had been drawn into the police service to make a modest living or support a family back home. Like other men in blue fatigues who perished before them, they have been sacrificed like livestock on the alter of revolution, a revolution not of their making. In attacking with such savagery on the eve of the new king’s birthday were the Maoists trying to counter the public perception that they are somehow linked with him? More important still, do they not realise that their left romanticism has gone far enough and it is time to cash in on their gains instead of letting the country haemorrhage and the situation escalate out of control? However meticulous the game planning, once the battle is joined, it invariably takes on its own momentum and logic. Men will no longer remain in control of events. One also wonders if the Maoist leadership has gotten its geopolitics right.

Bizarre politics in bleeding land

By Madhab P Khanal

An honest evaluation of the political events that have taken place in Nepal during the past eleven years or so reveals that a gradual loss of political integrity among the leaders of this country was one of the contributing factors pushing the nascent democracy towards a precipice, as we perceive it today. Ever since Nepal emerged as a fully democratic state from the shadow of a partyless monolithic system introduced by the late King Mahendra in 1960, it has remained the region’s most unstable governed country where democracy has been occasionally bungled by none other than those who were instrumental in restoring it.

Judged against the backdrop of a series of political expediencies resorted to by successive governments in recent years to perpetuate their rule and the political duplicity and equivocal stand of opposition parties on several issues of national importance, the lingering political contentions do not appear to be heading towards a graceful solution. Corruption is definitely one of the contributing factors in the current imbroglio. But it is not the only driving force behind the move against Koirala. It will be naive to conclude that his resignation will altogether put an end to the stalemate. The root cause of political instability appears to be the irresistible yearning for power which Koirala’s opponents within his own party as well as the major opposition leaders in the parliament are chronically obsessed with. Hence, any government is bound to face the same predicament, though with a different political texture, as long as the existing system of power sharing continues to operate.

Today, many of Nepal’s lawmakers are seen drifting away from their moral and political responsibilities. Inconsistency and prevarication are some of their hallmarks. They do not feel the slightest embarrassment when they consume hefty allowances and outrageous privileges without even discharging any parliamentary responsibility that the electorate have entrusted to them. They chuckle with pride when innocent children march on the streets holding protest banners instead of heading towards school with books and files in their hands. Having been forced to live with these harsh realities people have gone to the extent of asking themselves a puzzling question: was the country really prepared to usher in a political set up with an imitated version of the Westminster type of outfit in 1990? Arguably though, this question will remain an interesting subject of political discourse among the academics who have been blindly jumping on their respective political bandwagons even though their patriarchs have fallen victim to political absurdity.

Despite formidable resentment from within the Panchayati caucus that total concession to the popular demand for the restoration of a polity based on multiparty discipline would be a political fallacy, the late King Birendra took his personal initiative to forsake the mantle of absolutism and embark upon a new role as constitutional monarch. With his insight and sagacity the king took this historical decision for the sake of the country and its people. However, the euphoric architects of the jana-andolan took the peaceful transfer of power as if it were an end in itself. Owing to their habitual complacency they ignored the fact that they had to discharge enormous responsibilities thrust upon them by the historical transformation of the power structure in the country.

However, things did not happen the way people would have expected. By and by a new culture of political knavery, moral depravity and administrative servitude emerged which have now taken such a firm foothold that their eradication is as difficult as cutting the Gordian knot. Crouching flunkies of prominent politicians overrule the norms and values of democratic governance. In this regard no one can be held singularly responsible. The entire political leadership of the country is collectively responsible for the current political woes.

The sudden exit of the late Ganesh Man Singh, who played the pivotal role in leading the popular movement to its successful finale, from the mainstream politics of the Nepali Congress should have been taken by his colleagues as a warning shot that the country was not moving towards the right direction. But, already possessed by a tearing passion for power and money, the late Singh’s erstwhile colleagues could not read the message. They simply continued with their empty slogans of democratic socialism and corruption-free governance which appeared nothing more than insignificant platitudes. On the contrary political vampires in the garb of public figures were let loose to suck the nation. Corruption among politicians was not deemed any despicable vice. Thus, when our social democrats are seen paying homage to the ‘iron man of Nepalese politics’ one is reminded of what Fyodor Dostovsky wrote over a hundred years ago- ‘men reject their prophets and slay them, but they love their martyrs and honour whom they have slain.’

The other elements that have fouled Nepalese politics in recent years are vendetta and duplicity. There is no doubt that political vendetta plays a prime role in every multiparty system. Nevertheless, political vendetta too has certain norms and limitations and is always conducted with such subtlety that people do not feel that their leaders are flouting the norms of political morality. But Nepalese politics is essentially characterized by political vendetta in its ugliest form and is, to a large extent, inspired by a deep seated personal grudge against each other. The top brass of the ruling Nepali Congress have set the crudest example in this regard though the other major political groupings too are not immune from this scourge. People have noticed it right from the first general election held in 1991 when Koirala’s machination against Bhattarai’s defeat was miserably exposed. Subsequently, this phenomenon has remained vividly instrumental in every fall or formation of the government as well as the victory or defeat of senior politicians in general elections.

The ghastly extermination of the entire family of the late King Birendra within his own highly protected premises of the Narayanhity Royal Palace on June 1 will continue to haunt the memory of many citizens of this country for many many years to come. The overwhelming grief and sorrow expressed by the entire nation during the mourning period was not only on the demise of a beloved monarch and his family but also a manifestation of people’s anxiety that the country’s integrity might be in jeopardy. A poor country already bleeding from political turbulence and bloody insurgency has now been subjected to yet another grisly episode that was never heard of in human history.

His Majesty King Gyanendra has ascended the throne at a time when the country is bedevilled by bizarre politics among the major political parties. Spectacular corruption is rampant at all levels of the political hierarchy and administrative structure. Civic society is bogged down in ethnic rivalries and showing ominous signs of disintegration. The nation’s economic cupboards were almost stripped bare by a string of public figures enjoying diverse political patronage. Kathmandu’s gated mansions and imported automobiles belonging to a few political elites and the immigrant business community, only reflect the surreal luxury of the capital. The grimy poverty of the country is hidden underneath the swampy Terai and the hilly hinterland. The preoccupation of the prominent leaders of the country is just confined to serving their parochial interests and the sense of belonging to a nation is gradually wearing away.

Under these circumstances the newly crowned monarch needs to demonstrate his sagacity and wisdom with which he is generally believed to have been endowed and lend his hand in consolidating the nascent democracy within the framework of the constitution. However, any attempt to restore political stability will be futile if it is not preceded by restoration of lost confidence among the people that they can trust their leaders.

Rusting TV serial

By Laxmi Sharma

Hijo Aaj Ka Kura used to be a pleasant serial for the TV viewers of Nepal. Most of us were enjoying watching it since it always tried to focus on the contemporary issues of the society. And to some extent it was informative. But now the quality is gradually declining. Not only in one aspect but also in several facets. Santosh Pant’s Hijo Aaj Ka Kura has become now a bickering soap opera. No matter how objective I try to be I always find fault with the serial. From where shall I hit out? I am foxed and find difficulties to pull out flaws from the cabinet, which is full of flaws.

Contents of stories are so monotonous that viewers feel pain in the neck while watching them. Husband is always shown in the serial nagging and dominating his wife. Women are presented in subordinate roles as if they do not have anything to contribute for the upkeep of the family. Most of the times we find couple falling out with each other. Dress up is very shoddy. Location of most shootings is the same dilapidated building, which is boringly tedious. Characters, for many of whom perhaps their maiden attempts, are unprofessional, unskilled, least to talk about the photogenic faces. Many of them too down to earth. I wonder if they receive any remuneration for their roles. My friend even suggested every time new face is a cost-cutting strategy of the producer (not of the NTV!).

Although Santosh Pant’s efforts of creating the serial depicting life style of middle class urbanites is praise worthy, but not all middle class people live a life style presented in the serial. Husband-wife does not grouch only as shown in the serial but they sometimes live in harmony too. Even middle class people have started to pay attention for their hair do, dress ups, etc. They are not higgledy – piggledy as shown in the serial. Settings should be changed to break monotony. Viewers are tired of watching green paintings (of the building). If more professional characters could work on the serial, it might be more entertaining to the viewers.

People initially were attracted to the comedian aspect of the Santosh Pant but now it seems to be rusting. People expect to see the nationally recognized Santosh Pant work harder and deliver quality episodes like he once used to.

Millosevick’s extradition and UN

By Dr Shreedhar Gautam

With the Yugoslavia government’s adopting a decree on June 23 to clear the way for Slobodan Millosevick’s extradition to the UN war crimes tribunal, it was almost a foregone conclusion that Millosevick would be handed over to The Hague Court. The former president’s extradition was a key western condition for Yugoslavia to receive billions in aid money. The United States and other western countries had been insisting that Millosevic be sent to The Hague Court or risk losing billions of dollars. But Serbians had not anticipated that this extradition would take place so swiftly and in such a humiliating way. Hundreds of Millosevic supporters had gathered outside the federal administration building on June 23 to protest the cabinet meeting. The cabinet took the decision on extraditing of Millosevic because of increasing pressure ahead of a key donors’ conference in Brussels.

As expected the US and its other western partners have welcomed the extradition of Millosevic, without hiding the linkage between the handover of Millosevic to The Hague Tribunal and financial assistance. The US president George Bush and the British prime minister Tony Blair are the happiest persons as they have succeeded in their efforts to bring Millosevic to The Hague Court of war crimes. There is nothing unusual in their euphoria as of late they have made no attempt to conceal their determination to pressurize the Yugoslavia government to extradite Millosevic at the earliest.

Russia has protested the extradition of Millosevic, but the Russian President’s disapproval of the action does not seem to make any change on the mind set up of western powers, especially the US. The right thinking people all over the world know that The Hague Court is biased and Millosevic extradition is a flagrant violation of international law. In Belgrade tens of thousands of Millosevic supporters took to the streets protesting the extradition and the naked interference of western powers in their internal matter. The after shocks of the arrest are still reverberating in many parts of the former Yugoslavia, and the federal prime minister Zoran Ziric has resigned from his post denouncing the move as an illegal and unconstitutional action.

The most disturbing reaction has come from UN’s general secretary, Kofi Annan, who welcomed the extradition as a victory of international justice. According to Annan, Millosevic’s extradition has proved the fact that all leaders are accountable and nobody can have impunity. We agree with Annan that all leaders should be accountable without any impunity. But has he ever thought whether this rule applies to all leaders or just to a select ones who are uncomfortable to the US-led western countries? It is the UN Security Council, which created The Hague Court for trying war crimes, and it cannot conduct its business in a partisan way.

We should have welcomed the UN Chief’s statement had he been equally forthright and consistent in condemning other war criminals too. We all know that there are several cases of war crimes against the present Prime Minister of Israel, Ariel Sharon, who is accused of 1982 Massacre in Beirut. Christian Militia, an ally of Israel, killed hundreds of innocent Palestinians when Ariel Sharon was the Defence Minister of Israel. There are other Israeli leaders accused of committing crimes agent Palestinian people, but they are never asked to appear before any international court. Very recently Kofi Annan visited the Middle East in his pursuit to solve the problem between Israel and Palestine. But his visit was opposed and dismissed by the Palestine people as vehemently as they protested the visit of American foreign minister Colin Powell. They have the feeling that Kofi Annan is not different from Colin Powell, and he cannot have any independent views.

Similarly Iraq is requesting the UN Chief to denounce the Anglo American raid on Iraqi cities, and solve the deadlock on curbs. Rational views from across the globe are urging the UN Chief to speak out firmly against the new US British plan to impose so called smart sanction on Iraq. All these requests have fallen on the deaf ears of Annan, and he has been ineffective to avoid humanitarian catastrophe in Iraq. Reports suggest that more than a million Iraqis, half of them include children, have died due to causes directly attributed to the sanctions. What is taking place in Iraq under a superpower scheme to make life abnormal is not only infinitely worse but also immensely inhumane, and an unthinkable of colossal huge tragedy is unfolding in Iraq. Annan knows that the money Iraq gets out of its oil sales have to be put into an escrow fund controlled by the UN, and the UN decides whether money can be released from this fund for the imports that Iraq has contracted for. Iraq finds difficult to import goods that would be considered normal in most conceivable circumstances because the UN, in other words the US, has the suspicion that Iraq is bent on developing weapons of mass destruction with the imported things like graphite, paper and medicine. The comment on the US policy towards Iraq by famous scholars Naom Chomsky and Edward Said goes like this: "This is not a foreign policy, it is sanctioned mass murder that is nearing holocaust proportions. If we remain silent we are condoning a genocide that is being perpetrated in the name of peace in the Middle East, a mass slaughter that is being perpetrated in our name."

Kofi Annan’s inaction and inability to do anything in the case of Iraq speaks a volume about the impotence of UN. Ironically, Annan has been nominated for further five years because of his unflinching loyalty to the US led western countries, who have found him capable of delivering the goods and making necessary reforms in the UN in accordance with their desire. It is a meaningful coincidence that the Kofi Annan’s second term has been confirmed along with the extradition of Millosevic.

He was prompt enough to welcome the extradition but spoke not a single word against the tactics of US and NATO countries responsible for bombing Yugoslavian cities. Now they are blackmailing Yugoslavian authorities in the name of giving financial assistance. The former US foreign minister James Baker had also promised to give billion of dollars help to Iraq in the aftermath of Saddam Hussein’s ouster or death soon after the Gulf war. But the western power could neither oust Saddam nor could he be killed despite the US Secret Agency’s investment of millions of dollars to topple the Saddam’s government. So, the promised US led western countries aid to Yugoslavia is not meant for rebuilding the ruined nation due to the NATO bombing and ethnic riots, but to make Yugoslavia a subservient country to the western alliance. With extradition of Millosevic, the western countries have succeeded largely. But again the UN has suffered a severe causality. It is a matter of great concern that the most important functionary of UN is speaking in such a partisan way, showing utter disregard to the international norms and values. We would like Kofi Annan to change his stand and save the UN from further ignominy and the decline.