SLC signals

The long and agonizing wait of forty thousand plus students is finally over. They might well have found an exit through the Iron Gate of high school education, but how effective the exiting was will be confirmed once they plunge into higher education. Confronted with a plethora of difficulties and challenges, very typical in least developed countries, students normally find themselves thrown into a different world altogether. More disappointment awaits them in the job markets, both at home and abroad. This year’s SLC results put the pass percentage at about 31 percent against 46. 72 percent last year. This plummeting pass percentage has been, as expected, attributed to the government’s newly introduced reform measures supposedly meant to clean up the messy high school education system. And as usual students suffer at the hands of policymakers who seem to try everything under the sun, not always with convincing rhyme or reason. But for how long? Though passing School Leaving Certificate (SLC) examinations are considered a crucial event, or rather an acid test, in every student’s life, it has yet to make good on the much-hyped "right and quality education." Over the last thirty years, education has been put through trial and error more than ever before. The post-jana andolan era has also been a major letdown, evoking anomalies and malfunctioning to an unprecedented level. This is precisely the reason why the All Nepal National Free Students’ Union (ANNFSU-Revolutionary) are on the rampage to eradicate the ills plaguing the education system. If the government continues to ignore or underestimate the crisis in education, they might draw support from unlikely quarters, and in a more violent form.

Despite efforts to reverse the waning quality of high school education, the scenario is still bleak and confusing. The dramatic decline in the total pass percentage and first division holders as compared to last year raises concern and impels a rethink of the very purpose of bringing about "reforms" in the prevalent education system. Subject coding and decoding, parallel sets of question papers in compulsory subjects and decentralization of the evaluation system are the major highlights of the reform package introduced earlier this year. Not that the concept and the measures are below the mark. In fact some of the measure are innovative and promising. But they are likely to goof off at the implementation level, if the past is any guide. And, how can the public easily forget a series of irregularities and violent incidents that marked this year’s SLC examinations? Riddled with corruption and crime, more so outside the Kathmandu Valley, the education system cannot deliver unless the government gears up to cure it thoroughly at all levels. Given a murky scenario, it is natural the government reform package generates doubt and suspicion. However, it has kept up with last year’s tradition of not disclosing a list of SLC toppers, and has only published the names of two toppers, one from among male examinees and the other from females. This has indeed served to cut the corruption to a modest degree.

With unfailing regularity, an overwhelming majority of students from public schools fare poorly in the SLC examinations, while the students of private schools steal the show and later a larger chunk of job opportunities. But nothing noteworthy has been done thus far to bridge the widening chasm between the performance of public and private schools. Which means once a child is enrolled in a public school, his or her fate is decided forever. The enormity of the tragedy dawns, once he or she sits for competitive examinations and starts fighting for jobs. By giving licences to private schools and unrestrained freedom at cost to the sickly public schools, where thousands of children are weaving dreams of a better and enlightened future, the government is indeed committing a social sin, a blot on its slogan of good governance. The turnout of female SLC examinees is also far below their male counterparts this year too, a major indication of where women’s education is languishing.

Intellectuals’ role in nation building

By Dr Shreedhar Gautam

Intellectuals all over the world are taken seriously for their role in national development. Poets, writers, professors, journalists and doctors can make a difference to political developments in their countries. Intellectuals were always in the background whether it was the French Revolution or the Bolshevik Revolution in the former Soviet Union. We have to make an objective evaluation of the role played by intellectuals in our own country. Moreover, the nation is now at a crossroads, and any lapse on the part of intellectuals can further endanger the foundations of this nation. Writers, intellectuals and journalists should make the best use of their brains to create an atmosphere of optimism and conviction, especially when politicians have disappointed the people of the country.

These days various rumours are making the rounds, and people have completely lost faith in the capacity of the present political leaders to deliver the goods. People are feeling more and more shaky and insecure, especially in the aftermath of the Narayanhity massacre. Some of the fears making a strong impact on people’s mind are those of the return of Panchayat days and greater interference by foreign forces in the internal affairs of our country. The root cause of such worry is the undependable character of our elected representatives, who are entrusted with the responsibility of preserving national sovereignty and the democratic system.

Since the early days of the restoration of democracy, people have been either misled or told lies . During his first visit to New Delhi in his capacity as Prime Minister of Nepal, Girija Prasad Koirala signed a treaty with India. But he betrayed the nation by terming it a simple understanding between two countries. Either the Prime Minister was illiterate enough not to differentiate between treaty and understanding, or he simply took the nation for a ride. Now the same leader is heading the government for the fourth time. Similarly, Madhav Kumar Nepal whom we have as the official opposition leader, helped the Congress Government pass the Mahakali Treaty, though his party had earlier denounced the Congress party for signing the Tanakpur treaty with India. As long as such leaders of double character have the say in national politics, there is always danger to the democratic system and national integrity. It is not that we lack brains among our intellectuals, but the problem is that they are either Congress intellectuals, CPN UML intellectual or RPP intellectuals.

Intellectuals with political allegiance to a particular party are generally found lacking in free and fair analysis of the national crisis. For Congress intellectuals, Girija Babu is an indispensable leader irrespective of his dubious role in handling national and bilateral issues. Similarly, Madhav Kumar Nepal is a messiah for CPN UML intellectuals despite the fact that the party under his leadership never came out sincerely over the mysterious death of Madan Bhandari, and he himself did not behave appropriately inside and outside parliament in raising people’s issues, or finding ways to resolve them. In other countries intellectuals are known for their bold stand on national questions, and political parties and government give heed to what they say before making policies of national interest or going to a foreign country with a vital agenda. Indian and Pakistan intellectuals held several rounds of consultations among themselves and with the government before the Vajpayee and Musharraf summit was held at Agra.

Though the Pakistani intelligentsia has failed miserably in terms of a strong voice against the usurpation of democratic rule by military regimes several times in the past, it has played a relatively positive role in safeguarding the other national interests. Similarly in India, intellectuals have played a critical role all along since independence 53 years ago. Indian intellectuals were appreciated all over the world for their courageous stand taken during the Emergency. One of the strong reasons for Mrs Gandhi’s crushing defect in 1977 was the powerful media and fearless intelligentsia. Intellectuals in India quarrel among themselves, but whenever national issues like Kashmir or Kalapani come up in the discussion, they are guided by their national interest. In our own country, intellectuals were divided on party lines when the Mahakali Treaty was passed by parliament. Very recently there was a vertical divide over the question of the National Citizenship Act. Now again intellectuals are not speaking in one voice against the perils of New Public Security Regulations because of party affiliation and loyalties. This is not a question of Congress versus left intellectuals, as the issue is one of paramount importance for national integrity. If the present Security Regulation continues to go unchallenged, we do not need to turn the pages of history to learn about the situation in India during Emergency days.

It is not bad to feel close to any political party, but it is a crime on the part of intellectuals to speak in tune with politicians who have neither any vision nor any concern for the country. Foreign scholars do not take Nepali intelligentsia seriously because they know that we do not have our own independent stand on various issues. As long as we treat foreign masters as superior to us in every affair, it is unlikely that our country will have qualitative change in any walk of life.

On the whole, intellectuals in Nepal have to become more alert in the coming days if the nation is to survive as an independent entity. Taking advantage of our unstable state, there is every likelihood of foreign forces making further penetration into our national affairs. In the past too, unequal treaties were imposed on Nepal not only in the Panchayat era but also during the last ten years of multiparty system. Such repetition can be stopped effectively only when intellectuals play a very positive and active role. They should not behave as party intellectuals but as torchbearers of national awareness. It is they who should educate the people and keep them abreast of latest national events and their implications in the long run. In western countries, intellectuals have a less important role because despite their hegemonic attitude to third world countries, their government leaders are loyal to their national interest.

Naom Chomsky has opposed American policies not because he has to fight for the American people but because of America’s imperialist design. He has vociferously denounced American policy on Iraq and former Yugoslavia due to his concern for humanity. In our case, we intellectuals have to be on guard for a different reason. We have to warn our political leaders not over their hegemonic approach but their slave mentality towards foreign masters. The present fluid political situation of the country demands sincere introspection on the part of intellectuals. It is a time of testing for us. If we behave intelligently as one voice, many of the fears making the rounds of the capital can be erased effectively. If we fail to act as per the demand of the day, we many lose everything, including national identity.

Vanishing neighbourly culture

By Hitesh Karki

Sitting comfortably in front of his prized procession, it has become almost impossible to ask Aakash to do anything, even his homework. Its altogether a different story that his parents are more than overjoyed to see their one and only child so accustomed to the IT revolution at such a tender age. Sometimes he still misses his school for not being able to wake up because he had been working the computer till the wee hours.

For his parents that isn’t a matter of concern but something like a Bill Gates in the making. Just recently, one could see the joy on his face when school authorities sent his parents a letter saying that they had decided to give fifteen days "casual holidays". His face was radiant with exuberance.

Yesteryear, it wasn’t like this. Computers were something, which we hadn’t seen but were told could do anything. And as far as we were concerned that meant virtually anything. Time and again we were reminded that the coming decade would be that of the computer. But then honestly that didn’t mean a thing to us.

All that mattered to us then was , quite funnily, how many marbles we had in our possession. Never mind that the only extracurricular activity we had in school then was "sleeping class". But then being brats , even that was too difficult a task to perform. As a result we would end up getting a spanking for raising our heads which were meant strictly to be glued to the mat on the floor. However, it was in after-school hours and the holidays that we had our best moments. Guchha (marbles) was the favourite sporting event amongst us all.

Then there was lukamari (hide ’n seek) where we would just sneak into any house in the locality and still would not be scolded. For us every compound, every house was a playground. The kites would come into action way before the arrival of Dashain. And along with the festive season of the fight of the kites we would start our ritual of shouting from the rooftops. The houses weren’t skyscrapers then, merely one story.

The pattern or design on the kites gave them a unique nomenclature. For instance ones with three stripes were called tin dharke and the shouts from the rooftops would be something like tin dharke le dhaago chodna sake ne re, meaning the one flying that particular kite didn’t have the guts to fight. On the whole, our neighbourhood was a great place to be. Looking at Aakash, so tender in age, glued to his computer I can state with all certainty that someday he is going to make his parents proud. But at the same time I wonder, isn’t he missing all that a kid his age should be enjoying. Hanging out with friends, getting a closer look at life , knowing the surroundings rather than straining his eyes which has already rewarded him with glasses. For him all that matters is the net, the weird games and guess what he has already achieved, expertise in the art of chatting.

Rather ironically there is no way you can put the blame on him. The whole structure has changed as far as the neighbourhood is concerned. All you see around are strangers.

For Aakash, he isn’t allowed to go out and play for his parents fear, which again is completely justified, that he might start mingling with spoiled brats, who cannot speak without stuffing in some vulgar words every now and then. Who leave no stone unturned to emulate their popular heroes who make them smoke and drink and fight as a part of being "cool", the buzz word among teens. Down the years, sophistication has arrived, quality education has come and things have developed, but then sadly the whole concept of neighbours and neighbourhood has vanished.

The mythical budget

By Basanta Lohani

The one who compounded this preparation has told the parliament that his dispensation will work provided our country is not run over by foreign intervention and likewise, provided the security of the country remains intact. What he means to say in making the effectiveness of his preparation contingent upon these two is both unclear and frightening. As one of the architects forming the government, what type of foreign intervention he has already visualized and whose responsibility it is to provide security to the country are matters of graver concern for Nepalese people than what he has compounded. This preparation, as such, is made out of greed, callousness, betrayal, compulsions, party interests, employment for the cadres, politicians as target group and safeguarding exogenous interests but with plenty of rhetoric eulogizing the people and democracy.

This is what the budget is basically all about presented by the Finance Minister Dr. Ram Saran Mahat to the Twentieth Session of Parliament on July 9, 2001. A budget has relevance in terms of providing direction to the economy, and focus on the nation as a document of nation’s life only when it is related to the periodic plan which should actually be treated as seriously as the law of the land. This is precisely where the new budget has failed. Dr Mahat’s budget is divorced from the Ninth Plan as much as has it lost its relevance to the 20 Year Agriculture prospective Plan (APP). Thus, poverty alleviation has become the major casualty. An exhaustive analysis is unnecessary to see this inter-relationship but the ingredients are there for everybody to see.This present preparation is as ritualistic as his earlier ones. Perhaps he is aware how his policy pronouncements in earlier budgets evaporated once they were passed and achieved as little being virtually reduced to a document for ritualistic purposes. The present exercise is primarily meant for deriving legitimacy to spend money, for the government has to continue. No wonder the opposition, which obstructed the house earlier for 57 days demanding Prime Minister Koirala’s resignation for his involvement in corruption, conceded peace this time on the understanding that he would resign. But the development façade has to continue amidst the looting by a triangular collusion between politicians, businessmen and criminals on one hand and the increasing Maoist insurgency hitting even Kathmandu on the other.

In very simple terms, a nation can direct its economic activities only when it has the money to do so. This is the only justification for foreign aid as well, for a country like Nepal has little money to spur economic activity in the short term all by itself. This is where a realistic periodic Plan comes in to decide how much money is needed and where it is to come from, what the priorities , strategies and targets of growth are . Once the plan is accepted by the highest policy making body the government implements it through its annual budget. And, it is constantly monitored to see any discrepancy between the projected targets and actual achievements. In case of gap or discrepancy arising, it is immediately corrected either in the plan or in implementation process, depending upon where it originates. This is how we build up our economy, increasing production and the income of the nation. This is how we can manage decisively with our own means pay back donors’ money, and become less and less dependent on them and can stand on our own feet over time.

This is the rationale. But the reality in our country has been exactly the other way around. We are increasingly becoming dependent so much so that last year’s figures clearly indicate the government’s income as revenue could meet only 15 percent of the total development expenditure. The reason is clear for everyone to see. Government revenue did not increase correspondingly and investment has become increasingly less productive because of massive corruption devouring foreign aid and nation’s vitality. Thus, poverty is pinching and the nation is completely trapped in ‘dependency relationship’ with those who are increasingly thrusting their interests on us. Dr Mahat’s budget is its continuity wrapped up, as usual, in what is termed poverty alleviation and reforms.

What type of poverty alleviation are you talking about when the reality is that by the end of the Ninth Plan you are able to muster less than 20 percent of revenue as against the 33 percent stipulated in the Plan for development expenditure? This too are doing by always inflating the revenue figure in the budget to new heights that are clearly beyond reach. Last year, Mahesh Acharya, as then Finance Minister, raised it by 24 percent to 52.92 billion rupees when the average increase for the last four years was only 11 percent. Likewise, development expenditure was raised by 44. 48 percent when it was growing at an average 14.33 percent. And foreign aid which is increasing less than 14 percent on average was slotted to increase by over 63 percent to 31.63 billion rupees.

The ground realities have much deteriorated since then but Dr Mahat has shown his unwillingness to face governing realities. He has increased the revenue by a further 22 percent since Acharya’s which never materialized even as a revised estimate of only around 15 percent. Against this background, Dr Mahat’s estimate of development expenditure of Rs 49.32 billion is as unattainable as is his estimate of foreign aid of over 30 billion. All this will result in swelling the budget deficit as ever and also in abandoning some of the development programs. Yet, there is one area where he can claim credit for covering the outlay like any other finance minister if he so desires. That is regular expenditure, which he has estimated to be 49.3 billion and, in fact, he may even be successful in crossing this figure.

It is a rule of thumb that poverty alleviation in Nepal depends upon agriculture. This is precisely the area lacking fund as envisaged by the Agriculture Prospective Plan in terms of inputs necessary to increase production to the desired level. As a result, it plain for everyone to see, even in the government’s own economic survey that Dr Mahat presented how badly our economy has performed in the areas of poverty alleviation and social services, thus pushing the common people to greater hardship.

Are we to be blamed or is there anybody accountable ? Dr Mahat claims his budget is reform oriented. But he has failed to tell us clearly how he intends to strengthen the market mechanism so that it will work as efficiently as possible to decide prices, wages and the scarcity values of capital. Does he realize that he is likely to come in to collision course with his own poverty alleviation programs, given the structural peculiarities of our country, which require that the government move with a knife edge balance? Does he realize that the government is losing all its three capabilities, those extracting, using and distribution. Expect for the legitimacy for spending money, his budget is sure to move inside a whirlpool of bureaucratic confusion, producing as little achievement as more distortion because it is divorced from the economic links that provide a focus to the economy. In a situation like this the Poverty Reduction and Growth Facility (PRGF) reform of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) requiring privatization or full cost recovery and the ‘Cross Conditionally’ of the World Bank that is engaged in ‘structural’ issues are sure to increase poverty in the name of alleviating it, in proportion to relatively decreased government revenue and increased dependency relationship. But for Dr Mahat, the Finance Minister, his show must go on.