Editorial [ The Kathmandu Post (Nepal)]

Ill-considered move

Everyone knows that Girija Prasad Koirala has in him a liberal streak of obduracy. This has been amply borne out by the way he has been weathering the storm over the Lauda lease deal and the attendant clamour for his resignation. Another equally pronounced Koirala trait is his instinct for survival. The political animal in him knows when to rock the boat if that suits his purpose and when to turn around and rally his forces to carry the day. But that instinct seems to have failed him this time. Koirala has just appointed confirmed loyalists to the Nepali Congress Central Working Committee (CWC), the highest decision making body in the party. It is a move fraught with consequences. Prominent among the appointees are Sushil Koirala as General Secretary, a post he has held before, and Lila Koirala and Chakra Prasad Bastola, all relatives and unflagging Koirala loyalists. The Prime Minister is obviously bracing for a battle royal within the NC and on the floor of parliament, come the twentieth session. But therein lies the miscalculation. This is a time when he should be building bridges to political rivals and detractors within the party. It would have helped him rally the party behind him in the wake of the damage inflicted by Lauda. Appointing new incumbents to the CWC in his capacity as Party President was a golden opportunity to do just that. This opportunity has been passed up. What this betokens is a seize mentality rather than qualities of leadership. It is going to cost him dear in the days and weeks to come. While Koirala may have strengthened his grip over the party apparatus, it has done little for the overall health of the Nepali Congress which likes to equate its fortunes with that of Nepalese democracy itself.

As Party President, Koirala can appoint l8 out of the 37 members to the CWC. Conspicious by their absence among the new appointees are any faces representing the other camp in the ruling party. The Bhattarai-Deuba camp could well take this as a snub even though it is no secret that there is little love lost between them and the Koirala men (and women). Furthermore, Koirala has compounded his folly by apparently cold shouldering relative heavy weights like Ram Chandra Poudel. There is bitterness in particular over the reappointment of Girija-cousin Sushil Koirala as General Secretary, a post that Poudel apparently had been homing in on. The appointment of Sushil Koirala along with all the other Koiralas helps revive the accusations of nepotism often levelled against the Koirala clan although it has become received political wisdom that the clan factor is what is now dominant in deciding the question of succession within the party. Leaving Poudel out in the cold means he is going to be inclined to tilt to the other camp. Although he is not considered to be someone with a strong political base at the grassroot, he does have stature in the party and government and is a known moderate and middle roader in the party infighting. If he goes over to the other side, it will be a loss to the forces of moderation that have helped hold the fractious party together so far.

Rongji’s visit and our interest

By Shirish B Pradhan

The recently concluded visit here by Chinese Premier Zhu Rongji has been regarded as having political as well as economic significance both for Nepal and China. For Nepal, friendship with China, one of the major powers and a player in global politics, holds special significance. In recent times a number of foreign dignitaries have paid official visits to this Himalayan Kingdom, which put it in the limelight in the international arena. Nepal’s geopolitical situation is so sensitive to her neighbours that neither of the two giant Asian countries, India or China can undermine her, though geographically her size is small.

But Nepal has not been able to gain to the full from this reality and this is true in the case of her friendly relations with China also. Historically speaking, we have had relations with Tibet, the immediate neighbour until the second half of the twentieth century. We have had trade and other links with Tibet, which has now become a part of the People’s Republic of China. Nepalese people are more familiar with Tibet than with China. But Nepal has learnt to be sensitive to Chinese concerns without any hesitation and adopted a one China policy. Both Nepalese and Chinese authorities are aware of the fact that the Tibet issue can cause a headache to China in the context of growing western concerns for a free and democratic Tibet. Nepal has played the role of a friendly and cooperative neighbour. Both Nepal and China have adhered to the policy of Panchasheel in their mutual relations. Among the five principles that panchasheel comprises is that of non-interference in each other's internal affairs.

However, Nepal has not been able to gain as much as possible from her friendship with China. The fault lies in ourselves, not upon others. There can be more tourist inflow and increased trade between the two countries. But the trade between Nepal and China is not that smooth. There are many obstacles including taxation, foreign exchange, government procedures, etc. The recently concluded six point agreement between Nepal and China might help to some extent to clear the obstacles. But it may take a few more years before we could freely expand our trade relations.

The number of tourists visiting Nepal from China is also negligible as compared to the Indian tourist inflow. If this number can be increased Nepal would benefit a lot from tourism. The prospects here are good as China has designated Nepal as one of the nine outbound destinations for some nine million Chinese tourists who visit abroad every year. There is potential in particular for encouraging religious tourism to Lumbini, the birthplace of Lord Buddha, as many Chinese are Buddhist by faith.

China’s southern part, mainly Tibet, is an underdeveloped area. The distance between the Nepalese capital Kathmandu and Tibet is negligible as compared to that between the Chinese capital Beijing and Tibet. So, Nepal can supply food items and other necessary goods to Tibet and derive economic benefit. If the Europeans and Americans, thousands of miles away, can eye the Chinese market why not Nepal ? But this needs a favourable attitude from the Chinese government as well as serious attention from our own side.

Nepal has signed many agreements relating to trade, commerce and transit with India, which has benefited us a lot. The same can be practised in the case of China, which will surely lead this tiny Himalayan Kingdom towards economic prosperity.

The recent visit of the Chinese Premier took place at a time which was considered very meaningful. The tension between China and the US over the issue of the American spy plane which landed in Chinese territory after colliding with a Chinese plane is yet to be settled. The visit took place while China was seeking international support for its stance. In such a situation if we had been tactful we could have derived greater benefit from the visit of the Chinese Premier. But it seems that we had not done enough homework in this regard. Any way, the visit has added a new dimension to Sino-Nepalese relations paving the way to new frontiers in bilateral cooperation. While dealing with her immediate neighbours Nepal should adopt a foreign policy based on the principle of equidistance, honouring their sensitivities as well as protecting our own national interest.

Old advice in new guise

By Pragya Rajouriya

Ihad just finished reading "Chandra Samsher’s will to his sons" from Kamal Dixit’s "Chandrajyoti" before I fell asleep last night. I had a strange dream. My dream took me to the Rana regime. A political conference focused on "good governance" was about to start. Late Sri Tin, Sir Chandra Samsher JBR was the main speaker. All of the "Shree Tin Maharajas" had graced the conference. Present political big wigs were the main participants. Sri Tin Junga Br. chaired the session. Singha Durbar state hall was the venue. I was there as a reporter. My heart swelled with pride to be among the luminaries of the past and present. I switched on my recorder to capture every hush and sigh of this historic event. Here is an excerpt of the recording.

Sri Tin Junga Br. to Sir Chandra Samsher JBR, "Chandra Samsher I have not seen anyone as skilled as you who can manipulate political powers to suit your self interest. You have the cunning of a fox and heart like a lion. Today’s leaders share your outlook from politics to personal gains. You have the all the requisites of an advisor to the new generation of democratic politicians. What you tell them will not miss the mark. Go ahead." With his speech delivered, he motioned Chandra Samsher to proceed with his speech.

Chandra Samsher delivered this speech addressing the present politicians. "The basic tenet of good governance is doing one’s best to be and remain in power no matter what one has to do. This creed equally applies to the ruling party leaders, opposition leaders as well as every aspiring politician whichever party they may belong to.

If you are holding the supreme chair, the following advise suits you well. If you are aspiring to hold it, I am confident, it will also suit your needs. Do everything within your means and power to stick to it. Don’t hesitate to trample upon anything including your country when your chair is at stake. Every thing is fair in love and war and retaining a prime ministership is no less a war— a war against your buddies and foes alike. If democratic means do not work, don’t hesitate to resort to undemocratic methods, which I need not mention.

Your success depends on how harshly and ruthlessly you quash opposition within your party and out side. Tame the unruly and the defiant with false charges.

If you chance to hold the opposition seat, do everything (in addition to the above advise) humanly possible to get back to power. Create issues from non-issues and stage every imaginable intrigue to soil the reputation of the ruling party.

Do not worry about the country as such. It’s nonliving. It existed in the past and will continue to do so in future as well. As for the public, they are fickle. Throw a catchy slogan and they will happily crowd you. Threat them with their life and property, you are guaranteed to receive a hundred percent support for all your endeavors, whatever they may be.

By now the concept of good governance must be clear to you all. Finally I would like to add that whoever can stay in the power for the maximum length of time and who can take the country to doomsday but successfully project high rate of economic growth in graphs and statistics, is the successful leader."

His speech had left all the leaders exchanging glances with smiles.

Leftists’ bandh boomeranged

By Basanta Lohani

What Nepalese people knew as the most effective way to cow down a regime during the struggle for the restoration of democracy is gradually losing its potency. The instrument in question is Nepal Bandh. By now, it has become a cliche. It is so much overused at the whim and fancy of all sundry organizations worth the name to suit their interest that this instrument to express people’s genuine resentment has become counter productive. People’s anger against such tactics practised in their name was seen for the first time during the recent seventy hour bandh called by the alliance of six parties, including the main opposition CPM (UML). Rightly sensing the mood of the people, the Maoist Janajati group called off their bandh on Thursday.

The three-day bandh was organized to press for the resignation of prime minister Girija Prasad Koirala over his involvement in corruption in the Lauda deal. His involvement was established by parliament’s Public Accounts Committee and, last week, by the nation’s highest investigating agency, the Commission for Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA). CPM (UML) chose to use the corruption issue as its new plank in politics because it rightly understood how dejected people have become over the corruption that has devoured democratic sensibility and governance. This new found wisdom guided them along this road as champions of righteous behaviour and crusaders without realizing that they themselves bore the shadow of corruption for everyone to see. This is precisely where they misjudged while using this plank as an instrument to outwit others, to forge an alliance with the people and to grab the reins of power.

In the hilarious exercise of a self appointed guardian of virtue and righteous behaviour, the first act of the play unfolded on April 8 last year to mark ten years of democracy. In a public meeting held in Kathmandu, UML announced names, including that of their one time deputy general secretary Bam Dev Gautam declaring them as corrupt. The retaliatory response from the other side was who is not corrupt? In this process, they dug up each other’s past. Those who had not even seen a thousand rupee note ten years ago have become millionaires, owing buildings and property in Kathmandu after being in power for just a few months. So, corruption is so overt though not nabbed by the legal system. Thus the scene changed, and the question became who is less corrupt. Actually this makes sense because the question of corruption in the power hierarchy and corridors of power is related to only one of who is less corrupt instead of who is not corrupt.

This is where the UML failed to take stock of the situation before chartering their corruption plank, taking people for a ride. They seem to have been guided by the notion that since they have not remained in power since May 27, 1999, this period of two years is a reasonably sufficient time for people to forget their unscrupulous activities, be it an RNAC lease scandal, RJ 100 or the Nepal Arab Bank share transfer just to name three, though the list goes to over a few dozens. Relying heavily on people’s short memory and seeking to capitalize on the growing frustration of the people, the UML found in the corruption plank a sure-shot vehicle to power the moment they came across impeccable evidence of Koirala’s involvement in corruption in the investigation report made public by the Public Accounts Committee over the Lauda deal

The road was all clear. Galvanizing the support of five other splinter communist groups, and more decisively, the support of the Nepali Congress’s only living founding member Krishna Prasad Bhattarai, arch rival of prime minister Koirala, the UML stalled both houses of parliament in its 19th session for 57 days without allowing it to do business even for a day. But they were quick to claim the allowances that a member is entitled to participating in house business. The initial success was encouraging because people knew of Koirala’s involvement and how he orchestrated things to gobble up the proceeds of the deal. His insensitivity was further seen when he, at the height of both houses being stalled, deemed it fit to go to France in a kind of extravaganza last March.

It is a case of both way insensitivity. For the UML, in the days after the 19th session was prorogued, it became an uphill task to continue the oust-Girija campaign. They reached a stage of absurdity through their irresponsible utterances not befitting the main opposition party. Gimmick like agitation like not allowing the prime minister to go to his office proved to be like a Don Quixote adventure, thought many immediately after the program announcement. The three-day Nepal bandh held thereafter together with the other five left parties of May 27-29 became so counter productive for the UML that it was not very far from being suicidal. There are basically two reasons. First, the corruption plank and second, people’s apathy towards the Band. As we have already seen UML is not sure-footed when it comes to siphoning funds. The objective of this article is not to analyze and ascertain the quantum of such involvement in corruption. Since Koirala has remained in power more than half the time after the restoration of democracy, he along with his cronies have had access to siphoning off more than anybody else. When viewed along this line, the rule of thumb suggests that UML boys have had relatively less such opportunities. So the discussion could boil down only to who is less corrupt?

In this situation when people's memory reeled back after the Public Accounts Committee’s findings in the equally infamous China South West Airlines lease deal, UML’s Bandh program lost almost half its strength. In that deal, UML’s Bhim Rawal had masterminded a loot similar to that in the Lauda deal. As if this was not enough, the double standard that UML exemplified further made its agitation program a farce. Upon the verdict of the Public Accounts Committee over the Lauda deal, they launched their crusade against corruption while they have challenged the same institution when its investigation revealed the same type of corruption related irregularities elsewhere. People were aghast to see two faces of the main opposition which wants to lead the country.

Likewise, people became angry the way they were coerced to remain dumb thorough such Bandh agitation program happening so frequently at the whim and fancy of any one having a political shop to sell their brand of justice. This is the first time people refused to buy. Thus, what was announced as a program of people’s participation lacked the people’s participation. Thus the programs ended in a fiasco because only whipping the cadres cannot sustain a movement of mass participation. So it was a case of cadres participation not people. In quite a few parts of the country they, in fact, fought back the agitators coercing them and even closed the markets in protest against such coercion. Thus political marshalling has no meaning without people’s support. Finally, the bandh boomeranged and this is a lesson for the UML to learn. Will they learn?