UML victory

Unexpectedly, the main opposition party CPN-UML got eight of its members elected to the National Assembly the other day. After winning so many new seats, the UML now has a lead in the Upper House of Parliament, which is also known as the House of elites. Constitutionally, any bill originating in the Lower House has to be endorsed by the Upper House before it becomes law. This is the first time the UML has commanded a lead in the National Assembly. It betokens a kind of balance of power between the ruling and opposition parties. Now the ruling party will find it harder to push any bill through the legislature without some understanding from the main opposition party. At a time when the country has not yet fully recovered from the shock of the royal tragedy, what we need is political stability along with measures to maintain law and order more effectively. A greater responsibility towards helping bring this about has now fallen on the shoulders of the CPN-UML, given the critical mass it has just acquired in the Upper House. The UML should think twice before bringing the functioning of Parliament to a halt again like it did during last session. The UML has garnered ample strength to help direct the country towards economic development. Many a time in the past it violated basic parliamentary ethics. It is now high time it recognized the problems facing the country and worked with the ruling party for the overall good. The UML victory should be a sign that the country will be back on track following the royal tragedy.

With the National Assembly polls, the number of UML members in the 60 member Upper House has gone up to 23, while the number of NC members has dropped to 17. Ten members are nominated by the Monarch and the remaining members belong to other political parties. The King has yet to nominate one member. The UML managed to get its eight members elected after it agreed to support the RPP candidate. Now more than before, the ruling party led by Girija Prasad Koirala cannot exercise its majority (in the Upper House) to try and railroad legislation like the Citizenship Act Amendment Bill through Parliament. It was this arrogance of majority as much as anything else that made that particular bill so unpalatable to the Nepalese public. The motive behind the controversial bill was also considered suspect in many quarters. The Nepali Congress government, which has just come up with a fourteen point agenda for all party consensus, should work in earnest with the other parties, and in particular the UML even if that means making some sacrifices. The UML should for its part exercise a greater sense of responsibility towards the country as a whole. That should be the message of its electoral victory in the house of elites.

Koirala’s crisis of credibility

By Beena Kharel

Words come easily to our premier. With seemingly seasoned efficiency, Girija Prasad Koirala unveiled a series of proposals for the Summer Session of parliament earlier this week. But what might have been expected to be a solid scoop turned out to be a damp squib. Far from creating a stir, his 14-point agenda evoked a wishy-washy response and put a question mark over his credibility. His address to parliament earlier this week had a good beginning with even some of his arch-rivals nodding positively. But as the discerning began to dig beyond and beneath his speech, its futility and lack of authenticity began to unfold. Hardly had his words reverberated across parliament walls than some members of the main opposition party, CPN-UML, claimed that Koirala had lifted a significant chunk of their own party’s ideas floated on different occasions. While others, though not so harsh in their comments, gave the verdict that the proposal was mere tall talk.

Whatever Koirala says, the public turns away in disenchantment. Whatever he proposes, his own party members dispose. Such is his image inside and outside the party. This reputation is his own making. How can the Nepalis forget that Koirala donned the mantle of primeministership for his latest innings on the crest of three pledges? More than a full one year has since elapsed; still the promises of good governance, stamping out corruption and maintaining law and order are as elusive as ever. Given his past record of rhetoric and failure to make good on promises, it is natural for doubt and suspicion to cloud his classic 14-point proposal.

His attempt to consolidate national "consensus" has generated more confusion than consensus. For all but two years since the restoration of multiparty democracy, the Nepali Congress (NC) has been at the helm of state affairs, and it is this party that has had the most frequent brushes with the Supreme Court. And now Koirala calls into question the Supreme Court’s verdicts and laments ambiguity over the powers of the PM. It is dangerous talk. What does he mean by making the prime minister’s powers "clearer"? He wants a solution to the "dilemma" caused by court decisions and the subsequent attitude of the political parties. His demand could be a ploy to concentrate more powers in the hands of prime minister and circumvent "adverse" Supreme Court decisions on issues like Tanakpur and the Citizenship Bill. He does not even spare the court’s verdict on the Citizenship Bill. Dissatisfied with the court’s decision, he has asked to settle the "controversy" over citizenship cards at a technical level. He has, indirectly and subtly, thrown a challenge to the Supreme Court. And along with this comes dangerous connotations. What does he mean by resolving the conflict, already defused by the Court, through legal provisions? Does it signify a need for rephrasing the Court’s verdict, because it went against the Koirala regime? A PM, hauled to the Commission for Investigation of Abuse of Authority in the Lauda Air deal scam, raises the issue of court verdicts with the resultant confusion.

Surprisingly though, our PM seems to have forgotten that it was he who created controversies and confusion. He opted to take measures against the wishes of the vast majority of Nepalis and against the letter and spirit of the Constitution. And it was the Supreme Court that saved the situation for the people and the country. The underlying message of Koirala’s 14-point agenda for national consensus betrays his feelings—he is not reconciled to the Supreme Court verdicts that went against his initiative. If he had his way, he would still resort to the same tactics. With renewed energy, he is trying to blame court verdicts and prevalent constitutional clauses for what went wrong during all these years of NC rule. Our PM has not changed. And apparently, his inclination is towards an authoritarian role of prime minister.

Reminding him about the separation of powers in a democratic system is futile. Ironically, the Nepali Congress is perhaps the only party in the world that equates itself with democracy and vice versa. There are parties that follow the norms of healthy competition and claim that they are distinctly better than others, but rarely do they reach the point of making such blatantly absurd claims. Since the days of Tanakpur to the recent Citizenship Bill, the Supreme Court’s decisions have been widely acclaimed. And most major controversies made their way to the court during the reigns of the NC premiers.

On the education front too, he managed to fire a shot. He has called upon all political parties to refrain from politicizing the education sector. But what our septuagenarian leader does not seem to know is that practice begins at home. For a pleasant change, why doesn’t he pack off his loyal lieutenants, appointed to top positions, starting from Tribhuvan University? To add to the woes, there are his die-hard followers who are still occupying envious spots and unashamedly pledging loyalty to his party. Over the years, appointing and re-appointing party loyalists has become a political norm. Accustomed to inciting political warfare at the college level, it would indeed be a daunting task for the NC to sideline its student organisations. Naturally, the NC president and prime minister’s talk of "not politicizing" the education sector fails to carry weight, thanks to lack of credibility.

Another sticky point is his proposal to reach an all-party consensus on not resorting to any nationwide strike for the next 10 years. At a time when the people are choked by strikes and more strikes, the proposal does promise relief. But since it has loose ends, it is likely to stir a hornet’s nest. Even if the mainstream political parties agree to ban such closures for the sake of "economic reconstruction", there is no guarantee that other organizations will follow suit. And democracy cannot, and should not, be the monopoly of a few political parties.

There are, however, some positively interesting points in the prime minister’s proposal. It should give the opposition an opportunity for constructive debate and discussion on the floors of parliament. After all, some of the members of the CPN-UML have claimed that the PM’s agenda is dotted with ideas "stolen" from their own party. A formal statement by the party on Wednesday said that it took the PM’s proposal for developing a national consensus as a positive development. At best, the opposition has received his proposals with cautious welcome. Naturally.

One fine afternoon, the PM steps into the scene, and delivers a speech and expects others to endorse it. Our prime minister had set the agenda without taking the opposition into confidence. This is precisely the reason why the opposition is skeptical about the PM’s moves. The main opposition party has been pressing for the prime minister’s resignation as a precondition for meaningful discussion. Will Koirala, who is embroiled in a plethora of controversies and scandals, oblige them and the dissident group of his own party? Given such a tricky situation, it is extremely difficult for the PM’s agenda to take off until he quits office.

Katto- Nepali trademark

By Razen

Human rights are everywhere, sorry, must be everywhere. Of late, this has indeed become a great topic of speech. Our Nepali human rights activists are very sincere to raise voice over this issue, especially in front of media persons.

A fortnight after the two "selected" priests were given the Katto meal, the activists raised their voice in an interaction programme concerning the Katto eaters. They did not say much against the alluring tradition. The lottery of hundreds of thousands rupees goes only to a particular caste (the activists do not have to say against this state-protected racial discrimination).

Rather, they asked the government to ban the section of the tradition that makes the lucky winner to quit the Kathmandu Valley. Smart demand, isn’t it?

The Brahmins came to the stage, devoured all the meal on silver plates, served to them on one condition that they had to leave the city afterwards. How lucky are they for having such human rights activists as friends, who helped them stay on in the capital.

Their demands are so modest that nobody can deny them. Their demands gave me the impression that they are the wisest ones in the world. I think this is one of the characteristics that represents our beloved country.

Nepal is not only known for Mt Everest. It is also known for innumerable gas cylinders. Once, it was famous for brave Gurkhas. Now they are found in Arabian kitchens. Once beautiful idols used to adorn temples. Now almost all are exported. We used to combat with khukuris, now they have become a decoration of drug addicts. Then, what should be the most suitable emblem of the Himalayan Kingdom? It indeed needs thorough brainstorming.

"Eureka!" I cried as I watched the Katto eating ceremony held at the Kalmochan Ghat last week and closely followed the winners for several days.

Overwhelmed by the royal tragedy, the Nepali citizens became ready to have their heads shaved off (sorry gender experts, only "gentlemen" were sincere to the monarchy) in pay tribute to the late King Birendra, whom they regard as their father. But as the Katto ritual drew nearer, dozens of real "sons" came up to eat their fathers’ Katto! Long live this glorious culture, I pray.

One of the Brahmins grabbed the golden opportunity. But when the dish was served, he did an Amitabh Bacchan-type of acting by refusing the meal and putting the whole audience, including dignitaries, in embarrassment. Only after a tough bargaining, he swallowed the rice lumps. The whole country was grateful when he did it.

My God! This is what we all have been doing for the last 12 years. There were scores of leaders who came forward to eat the Katto after the death of stability, peace and order. Then the leaders in power gradually started the tradition of eating Katto in the name of a dead political system. This might be one of the reasons why they were so eager to kill some systems at their formative stage. .

The Katto function at Kalmochan ghat takes place only after a monarch’s death, but this undeclared Katto eating ceremony takes place everyday. What they get in return vary from time to time. Sometimes it is the Lauda plane. At other times, it is helicopters or arms importing certificates, or just a simple Pajero.

Finally, I come to a conclusion that Katto is actually the emblem of this Himalayan Kingdom. I thank the human rights activists for supporting this culture (I mean the benefits).

Not in security’s name !

By Pratyoush Onta

Isaw the cop holding the "Stop" sign as soon as I had crossed New Road Gate. I was going toward Thamel from Pulchowk after a dinner guff-guff at a friend’s house. The date was 11 June 2001 and the time was about 10 pm. The cop was standing on the road between Bir Hospital and the Bhotahity-Ratna Park junction along with several of his colleagues. I stopped my motorcycle and almost instinctively reached for my wallet to pull out my driving licence. One of the policemen standing there came near me, looked at my face carefully and told me that I could go. He didn’t look at my licence. I was surprised. I told myself that this must be an interim security arrangement that would only last during the national mourning period following
the massacre of several members of the Royal family.

My guess was inaccurate. On 26 June, I was again passing through the same road. It was only 9:40 pm. A larger group of cops stood in the same area, one of them holding the "Stop" sign. Like in the previous incident, I stopped my motorcycle. One policeman, who was standing about five feet from where I had stopped, noticed that I was carrying a backpack (my usual one). He barked, "Bagma ke cha?" Without looking toward him, I said, "Books". Before I was done with my reply, he was already touching my bag from the outside. I guess he was happy with what his fingers communicated to him and told me that I could go. He didn’t ask for my licence. As I drove toward home, my mind flashed back to road checks encountered in the Sri Lankan capital Colombo two years ago and several such experiences recorded in the Indian capital New Delhi last year.

What does one make out of this enhanced presence of cops searching peoples’ bags and cars on the main roads of Kathmandu? Does this activity provide a sense of security to anyone? Or are we simply trying to catch up with the rest of the capital cities in South Asia, all obsessed with security beyond reason?

On 27th June, I talked to a taxi-driver who told me that this checking was good for him. "It keeps the late-night gundas away," he said before proceeding to tell me about the few incidents where some youths had taken advantage of his service and then left without paying. The current style of checking would discourage such youths from using taxis late at night, he added. When I asked him if all the checking going on was somewhat inconvenient, he acknowledged as much but said he did not mind.

On the same day, another taxi driver told me that the current style of checking would not achieve anything. "What are the policemen looking for? Whom are they looking for?" , he asked and proceeded to answer his own questions. "Maobadis surely do not carry their ID cards, saying they are Maobadis. Those who have to use cars to transport stuff – black stuff, white stuff, or any other stuff – why would they be stupid to do so after dark when they know that such checking is being undertaken?" "The police are all set to harass us taxi drivers and anyone who looks suspicious," he added. Remembering that my ID card or driving licence had not been checked on both occasions where I had been stopped on the road, I agreed with his assessment. Anybody, especially in their teens or twenties, who looks like a potential "trouble-maker" in the eyes of the police, is now fair game for unnecessary questioning.

There have already been newspaper reports that suggest that people who work or socialize late are seeing the police checks as yet another harassment they have to put up with. Police presence on the road has already come to influence the way in which they schedule their days. At this rate, one need not be surprised if the police suddenly announce that all restaurants should close by 8 pm and other public functions should be held before the same deadline. And they will of course say that all of this is being done to protect the residents of Kathmandu from "criminals" and other unwanted "social elements". The police will add, borrowing some rhetorical tools from their boss the Home Minister, that their service is for our security and a bit of harassment on the road is good for all of us!

It is time we interpreted the enhanced police presence on the capital’s roads in the context of the ascendancy of an overall anti-democratic mentality in our state apparatus. Premeditated arrest of Kantipur’s editor and publishers, raid on Paru Offset Press (where many publications that are critical of the present regime are printed), and the imposition of the Public Security Regulations (PSR) are direct attacks on our fundamental freedoms. It has already been reported that many chief district officers are invoking PSR to threaten journalists and are ordering them to submit copies of their stories even before they are published. Many janajati and dalit leaders have already expressed their fear that PSR will be used to tame their continuing efforts to democratize Nepali society at large.

These are but a few symptoms of an administration that is now bent on curtailing our fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution of Nepal. Instead of promoting democratic tendencies and programs, it is now doing just about everything to threaten those rights. And if we allow this government to get away with what it is doing at the moment, we might as well prepare ourselves to welcome back Panchayati laws and mentality in their totality.