Controversial move

The government’s decision to deploy army personnel at customs points along the border is a controversial move. Finance Minister Mahesh Acharya has defended the deployment on the ground that it is essential for checking smuggling. That in itself is a sound enough motive. The presence of the army along the Nepal-India border will also help to some extent in monitoring that border for other purposes. Monitoring the border is something which Nepal has always yearned for. The army already has a good track record in policing the national parks and wild life sanctuaries, an area in which this country has registered commendable success. But when it comes to deployment on customs related duty there is the suspicion that the government has acted not out of its own wisdom but under prompting from a neighbouring country. That neighbour has not been happy with the influx of cheaper goods from another neighbouring country, supposedly via Nepal. Meanwhile the leader of the main opposition party, Madhav Kumar Nepal, has also come out against the deployment, pointing out that it could turn out to be harmful for the country. He has a point. His argument is, what are we going to do if the army also becomes corrupted like the rest of the customs and revenue apparatus in this country. As with the question of deploying the army against the Maoists, the army is the instrument of last resort and if it too fails we have nothing left to turn to.

Any likelihood of the army being exposed to the temptations of corruption and graft should be taken extremely seriously, especially at a time when that institution has already come in for a measure of controversy in recent months. First there was the controversy over the aircraft that the army wanted to purchase for reasons that were never very convincing. Such a purchase would have entailed substantial financing by the banking system of the country and also the employees provident fund. Not many people felt comfortable about that. Hardly had the controversy died down than the army got into another one with its notions about starting a commercial bank of its own. Some even a saw a connection between the two. And yet another controversy was generated when army brass said they would deploy against the Maoists only if there was an all party consensus favouring deployment. This was compounded in the public mind by the army’s reluctance to come to the rescue during the attack by Maoists on Dunai during which a good many police personnel lost their lives. Contrast that reluctance on the part of the men in olive green with the alacrity with which they have agreed to take up patrolling the customs lines. That stark contrast may be occasioned by the fact that taking on the Maoists is a very different ball game from taking on smugglers and that the latter exercise would require far less commitment in number of troops. But the problem is it may also be occasioned by the smell of money sloshing around the customs check points at any given time. The chances of the army succumbing to bribes can be gauged accordingly.

Equip the stand-by force

By Nagendra Chhetri

Nepal has once again found itself covered by the international print and electronic media because of the visit here of Kofi Annan. As soon as Kofi Annan became Secretary General of the United Nations in January 1997, the UN started vigorously seeking to strengthen its central role in meeting the many demands of a world in transition. Nepal, as a UN member for the last 46 years, is determined to play a substantial role in the UN’s multi-dimensional effort to make itself a popular, modern, efficient and effective organization and enable itself to grab, hold and win the trust and confidence of the international community in the new century.

The collapse of communism and disintegration of the Soviet Union brought a host of challenges and opportunities to the United Nations which was aspiring to initiate major organizational reforms to better enable itself to meet the diverse responsibilities assigned by the international community. Because of the birth of nationalism and many new nations, new areas of conflict arose challenging the role of the UN and adding problems of newer dimension. If sudden ethnic, religious and regional problems have cropped up to attract the attention and draw upon the meagre resources of the UN on the one hand, cross border conflict of multidimensional nature including local, regional and international terrorism has on the other occupied the maximum time of the UN. The global village concept is bringing the world community ever closer together, sharing knowledge, information and economic opportunities and virtually mobilizing all corners of the globe without the UN remaining sandwiched between the superpowers.

New threats to social cohesion, cultural diversity, the environment and the rapid spread of drug trafficking and highly organized crime have demanded enormous resources in men, material and money which the UN finds difficult to meet. As the UN cannot immediately provide the money, material and equipment needed for peace-keepers under varying topographical and climatic conditions, the member states are required to provide the necessary paraphernalia to their troops in the initial stages. The money spent would be compensated at a later date by the UN.

A member state will not be able to deploy its committed force quickly unless it is on stand-by and readily available. To be quickly deployed a member state will need to keep its committed troops ready at any given time. Nepal has committed two thousand troops to UN peacekeeping, peace maintaining and peace enforcing operations at any given time. These two thousand troops need to be on standby with all their paraphernalia ready to be immediately deployed in any part of the world. Nepal’s active neutrality and effective impartiality is not only a choice but also a simple compulsion.

The Royal Nepal Army has been acting as an enduring vehicle in the form of most reliable peace-keepers. The Nepalese proposal to declare Panchkhal a multinational training centre for peacekeeping operations can help to institutionalize peace for security and development which will be one of the strongest deterrents for Nepal in the new century. During his recent visit here the UN Secretary General even hinted that the office of the director of the UN Regional Centre for Peace and Disarmament for the Asia-Pacific region might be relocated in Nepal soon.

Recognizing the importance of UN peacekeeping operations which are basically political, military and humanitarian, the Nepal army conducted a Multi-Platoon Training Event last year in Panchkhal. In the presence of four participating countries including the USA and two dozen observers, UN Assistant Secretary General Young Jim Choi said the UN will lend full support to Nepal’s proposal for establishing a multinational training centre, the first of its kind in the Asia Pacific region. Mr Kofi Annan also endorsed this proposal and said that Nepal has a wealth of experience in this field and the UN will do whatever it can particularly through the departments of peacekeeping operations.

The neutrality, impartiality, dedication and devotion to duty on UN missions displayed by Nepalese soldiers are a matter of unquestionable pride and prestige for Nepal and the Nepalese. However the government needs to do some serious homework in this field. Nepalese military diplomacy recognized by the world body and the international community is yet to be recognized by Nepalese politicians and the government. HMG needs to lobby vigorously at the world body for more senior, important and lucrative jobs for Nepalese diplomats and army personnel as a recognition of long and praiseworthy service. Although a recent defence ministry initiative towards this is appreciable it needs to do some detailed homework as to how many senior officers it can spare at a time without compromising its work in the country.

Firstly, as peacekeeping and enforcing operations are an extension of the political and diplomatic process, these have to be correctly understood and implemented by the Nepalese government. Secondly, the multinational UN training centre in Panchkhal is a concern of the government rather than of the army alone. Thirdly, the government, particularly the foreign ministry, must mobilize regional support for the training centre. In this respect the government failed to take Mr Kofi Annan to Panchkhal where basic infrastructure has already been established for the training centre. Bangladesh conducted Mr Kofi Annan on a tour of its newly designed training centre. Fourthly, and most importantly, the government must equip its standby force to preserve, enhance and consolidate Nepalese credibility and avoid ineffective peacekeeping operations.

If Nepal wants to maintain its prestige and participate in new and more complex UN missions in the future and be an active participant in the race it must keep its troops fully equipped and trained for the job. Training should emphasize signal communication, skills in political and diplomatic negotiations, computer and radar handling, driving and a host of other things. At least a battalion plus of troops must be fully mechanized for the job, and light tanks, armoured vehicles (armoured personnel carriers), modern signal equipment and related defence stores and equipment must be provided. Defence experts concerned should be consulted for the details. It is time that HMG provided the budget which would be substantial and for which the UN would compensate it at a later date. If Nepal wants to continue its role in the UN missions as a major thrust of its foreign policy with more professionalism, expertise and modern hardware to meet the new challenges, it must make a stand-by force readily available at the UN’s call.

Blush facts

By C B Dahal

"Our Lungten blushes red all over every time you talk to him", say all those who know him. Its not that he loves to blush but he can’t help it. It’s just that he can’t stop it.

So why do some blush and some don’t? To find out some basic truth, a little exploration and search was done and some interesting facts emerged.

Embarrassment, hot weather or strenuous exercise can cause many peoples’ faces to turn bright, rosy red. But, if your face starts flushing more frequently, easily or severely, take note — it could be the first signs of a skin disease called rosacea.

Rosacea is a common facial skin disease first characterised by increased flow of blood on the face, especially in the cheeks, forehead, nose or chin. If left untreated, rosacea can lead to noticeable facial swelling, particularly around the nose writes Dr. Claire Haycox, a US Dermatologist. "However, some people may be unaware they have a problem and, therefore, not seek treatment as soon as they should" she adds.

A study done among US medics shows that women are three times more prone than men to develop the skin ailment rosacea. And, the disease is more likely to attack people who blush easily and are of light skin. At times, it could even be hereditary. Dr Haycox adds, "We don’t really understand the cause of rosacea, though we do know some common factors among those who develop it."

All blushing is not rosacea. The doctors give following symptoms to watch for: facial flushing, persistence redness, inflamed skin causing pimple like bumps and the final stage is the enlargement of oil-secreting facial glands.

Rosacea, if diagnosed at the early stages, is treated with antibiotics and topical antibiotic cream. Depending on the severity, the treatment could continue for up to six months before tapering off gradually.

"People with rosacea can be effectively treated and lead a normal life," Dr Haycox says.

In normal cases, people who have overactive involuntary nervous systems sweat excessively or blush in even at the most relaxed situations. It can seriously disrupt their lives. In such cases drug treatment may have bad side effects. Treatment for excessive sweating could help in partially overcoming facial blushing as well.

The other option is sympathectomy, which involves cutting the overactive nerve responsible for the problem. This treatment is not yet available in our part of the world. So, Lungten will have to keep on blushing for the time being.

Uncertain times ahead

By Kuldip Nayar

There is something unreal in the attitude of political parties. The ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA) feels that it has done enough by ordering an inquiry and making Defence minister George Fernandes resign from the Cabinet. On the other hand, the opposition believes that one more push can oust the government.

True, the NDA government has survived the crisis it faced after a website portal exposed the ‘defence transactions.’ The announcement of an inquiry by a Supreme Court judge assuaged many fears. But the promise by Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee not to spare high or low would have carried more conviction if he had explicitly said that the inquiry would cover his office as well. He should have, in fact, ordered a probe after A S Sarma, a top civil servant, alleged that big business houses manipulated the PMO and had mentioned Brajesh Mishra, the Prime Minister’s Principal Secretary, and NK Singh, Officer on Special Duty, by name. Mere denial by the two officials will not do.
Telugu Desam leader Chandrababu Naidu, whose support is crucial to the survival of the government, had at one stage advised Vajpayee to clean up the PMO.

Some of the PM’s own associates, not happy with him for other reasons, had also used the opportunity to press him on this score. The RSS, the BJP’s mentor, had expressed its unhappiness over the functioning of the PMO. This is where Vajpayee’s moral responsibility comes in. However, when the Congress party demanded Vajpayee’s resignation on the plea that his government is morally responsible, it overstretches the point. Those seen involved, George Fernandes and the chiefs of the BJP and the Samata Party, Bangaru Laxman and Jaya Jaitly respectively, have quit, responding to the dictum of responsibility. The matter should have then come to parliament, the highest body in a democratic set-up.

Congress is justified in carrying the question of moral responsibility to the public through agitations, processions and meetings. But it has set a bad precedent by not allowing parliament to function till the government resigned. The Congress, having an alliance with those charged with corruption -- Laloo Yadav and Jayalalitha -- has no credentials to talk of morality.

The fate of governments in a parliamentary system of governance is dependent on the majority in the lower house. The NDA has 293 in a 545-member Lok Sabha. Initially, the strength of the alliance was 306. It has gone down by 13 because on the departure of nine Trinamool Congress MPs from West Bengal and four of the PMK from Tamil Nadu. The NDA still has 21 more than the minimum of 272 required to stay in power.

Both the Congress and the BJP know that the party that can tilt the balance is the Telugu Desam, which has 29 members in the Lok Sabha. It can make or mar the NDA government. So far, the party has refused to withdraw its support from Vajpayee. Its reported argument is that the record of the Congress is no better and that parliament should discuss the matter. Obviously, the Congress, as it has admitted, is not on firmer ground when it comes to numbers.

The party’s call for a coalition at its recent Bangalore session may pay it dividends. The question it has to ask itself is whether the party can find 60 more members to improve its tally of 112. Even if Mulayam Singh Yadav’s Samajwadi Party were to accept Sonia Gandhi as the next Prime Minister -- he rejected the idea when the Vajpayee government fell by one vote two years ago -- the Telugu Desam would not do so because it has the Congress as its main political rival in the state.

It is possible for both the Congress and the Telugu Desam to accept a third person like former West Bengal chief minister Jyoti Basu. Naidu is not averse to his leadership provided they can anvil an agreement on economic matters. The two are poles apart, Naidu is out and out for economic reforms and globalisation, while Basu is a staunch opponent of what the reforms entail.

There is a change in Basu himself. He wants to pursue the idea of becoming Prime Minister. The other day when I talked to him at his residence in Kolkata, he recalled how his party made a "historic mistake" when it rejected the position offered to him before Deve Gowda was chosen the Prime Minister. "I am not saying anything at present, lest there should be a storm over what I say," Basu said. But it was clear that despite his indifferent health, he would be willing to head the government if the required number of Lok Sabha members could concur on his name.

There are enough indications to suggest that Sonia Gandhi will throw the weight of Congress behind Basu. She is keen on replacing the BJP-led government at any cost. There are still some stalwarts in her party who would like her to head the next coalition. But they know in the heart of their hearts that she cannot muster the required support. The anger Sonia Gandhi ventilated at Bangalore showed that whatever the price, she would be willing to pay it to replace the Vajpayee-led government.

Whether an alternative emerges in the near future or a bit later, the effectiveness of Vajpayee has been badly hit. He may not be able to implement what he has in mind. On the other hand, he would need to keep the flock together. This gives importance to every small party in the NDA. The Shiv Sena from Maharashra has 15 members. It will try to extract the maximum benefits. The BJP will have to tolerate supremo Bal Thackerey even when he spits venom against the minorities. Sharad Yadav’s Janata Dal (United) will need to be placated in some other way, although it has only six members. The Biju Janata Dal from Orissa with 10 members is already showing anger over the step-motherly treatment it has received in comparison to Gujarat at the hands of New Delhi.

The dust over the disclosures is beginning to settle down. But it is no secret that there will be no holds barred in the coming assembly elections in Assam, Kerala, Pondicherry, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal. The Tehelka disclosures and the Bofors gun will dominate the poll campaigns. The outcome of elections is as much important for the BJP as for the Congress. If the latter bags most assemblies, it will lay claim to power at the Centre. The victory by the BJP allies will stall the momentum, which the Congress and the Communists have built. The key is the contest in West Bengal. If the communists come back, Basu would be the natural choice for leadership of the third front. The front itself will gain strength. But if Mamata Banerjee wins -- by quitting the BJP-led coalition she has improved her chances -- she will be a force to reckon with in Indian politics. That she is opposed to Basu is well known. But it is difficult to imagine that she will go back to the BJP when she has come to emerge as an entity on her own.

Still, eruptions in politics are unpredictable. They are like a volcano of pressure which can emit anywhere at any time. But they do indicate a condition of instability. What had happened to the political scene after the disclosures of defence transactions is precisely that. It has destabilised the Centre, which had begun to acquire some equanimity. Vajpayee himself is a lesser person than before. He can rule, but can he govern is the question. Much will depend on the answer the nation finds in the next few weeks. It looks as if India is in for uncertain times.