Our deadly roads

With 21 people killed and 50 injured in three separate road accidents on one day last week, the focus is regrettably once again on our poor road safety record. Measures have been taken to mitigate the situation. Every year traffic week is duly observed. But all this is not making any dent on this perennial problem. Accidents keep taking their toll in life and limb with predictable regularity. Part of the fault seems to be at an attitudinal level, with our pervasive make-do ethos. But for that, we would long ago have done something serious about it. Not surprisingly, most of the accident fatalities involve commercial vehicles and ordinary passengers. Everyone knows that commercial vehicles are as hopelessly overloaded as our roads are overcrowded. Which means mechanical failure, especially of the brakes, is not uncommon, and usually fatal.

Policing the traffic and maintaining standards is difficult because there seems to be an unspoken nexus between vehicle operators and traffic police. On top of that, up country roads that have bulldozed their way into hostile topography are difficult to maintain. The monsoon sees to that. There is also a great deal of kickback involved in road maintenance work which means that each rupee budgeted for maintenance does not go as far as it should. In one of the accidents last week a gabion wall collapsed after a bus skidded off the road. The drivers and conductors of public transport themselves tend to be a brazen lot given to squeezing passengers dry. They are often not above putting their truck or bus into reverse gear to finish off a hapless pedestrian whom they might have just run over, to avoid paying for prolonged medical treatment when they can get away with a relatively modest fine for homicidal negligence.

All this adds up to a damning indictment of our public transport system. As more roads open up across the country, and the Sindhuli-Bardibas artery is one such, these problems will become more acute not less, unless there is some change in the ground rules. Such change may take the form of more explicit liabilities and the application of tort law, something in which our legal system seems to be deficient. Any change in the law might also take into account the liabilities of the electricity authority. In one of the accidents last week, passengers were electrocuted when their bus apparently got entangled in a high voltage transmission line. What a horrendous way to go, even by the standard of our murderous roads.

Rhetoric of good governance in Bhutan

By Dhurba P Rizal

The Bhutanese system is based on one-man rule. It still carries the legacy of a feudal system. Bhutanese are indoctrinated from an early age to respect the government and accept its authority without questioning its basis and rationality. Driglam Namzha has been reinforcing this philosophy. The tendency to concentrate power in a few officials at the top of the hierarchy is a norm in Bhutan. They need hierarchy to ensure absolute control.

They get their right to manage the affairs of state through a hereditary principle, as there is no written constitution. The people enjoy neither freedom nor are they treated as citizens. The country is governed by the King with the help of a cabinet appointed by him and endorsed by a rubber stamp Assembly. The officials and ministers are directed not towards a common cause but towards a power centre. The attitude of the government still seems to be to rule rather than to serve the masses. It is a fact that the interests of the elites have overwhelmed the national interest, particularly after 1990.

There is a tendency to work everything in secret and keeping the citizens in the dark about the decisions taken by the government. The decision-making process remains non-transparent. Interested citizens do not have any opportunity to learn how a particular decision has been reached. The appeal by Tek Nath Rizal along with senior officers is a typical example of non-transparency. Commitment to transparency is confined to lip service. The law in Bhutan does not protect the right to information. Thus, individuals cannot respond meaningfully to policies and issues that concern them or the country directly.

An independent judiciary, a free and responsible press, and an efficient information system, which are the hallmarks of good governance, are missing in Bhutan.

There is no accountability. There is no mechanism, or ways and means to ensure bureaucratic accountability to the people. Parliamentary control through various committees and sub-committees, judicial intervention and the press are non-existent as the system is highly personalized, authoritarian and centralized. The people are treated no better than objects. This is deliberately done to create an image that the ruling elites are superior. Thus is created an excessive dependence of the population on the ruling elites. It has resulted in the assumption of a guardianship role by the ruling elites. This development has not only adversely affected the self-esteem of the citizens but also discouraged them from participation and involvement in governmental affairs.

Accountability has not yet permeated the Bhutanese economic, social and political domains. Today, there is too much power for the ruling elite and too little accountability . For example, none of those who mastermind the ethnic cleansing have been brought to the book nor any action taken against them. Rather, they were promoted to higher positions .

There are hardly any institutions of public accountability like a public accounts committee. The auditor general has been ineffective since he is a creation of the King. Bhutan lacks the institutions through which accountability can be expressed. The higher authorities have been neither accountable nor responsible for their action.

If we look at the government today in terms of representation, we find a monopoly of Ngalungs. The key positions in the public sphere including the cabinet, legislature, judiciary and bureaucracy are controlled primarily by Ngalungs. Sharchops, Lhotsampas and other minority groups have never had any chance of fair representation. The present composition of the Council of Ministers reflects this biased representation. Four ministers are from the Western region representing 15 percent of the population. It is crystal clear that the Ngalungs continue to enjoy a monopoly over the executive, legislative, judiciary and other spheres of public life. A few non-Ngalungs who hold higher positions are mostly puppets of the Ngalungs or those who assimilated with the Ngalungs through marriage. The Sharchops and Lhotsampas, who have demanded fair representation in all sphere of public life, have been declared as illegal and Ngolops. The ruling Ngalungs have turned a deaf ear to the demand in the fear that power will slip out of their hands. This has resulted in a political crisis leading the Lhotsampas to flee state prosecution.

Politics in Bhutan is not democratic. However, they raise slogans of good governance, which makes no sense. There is no people oriented governance, which can uplift the masses. The system has disguised the continued influence of the traditional elites and has re-legitimized their power. The in-egalitarian social, economic and political system is now mandated through pseudo-guided reforms. There is no avenue for holding free elections and for the unfettered operation of political parties, which is a vital component of good governance. What the country has landed itself in today is nouveau rich apathy, corruption, misuse of power, misrule and total chaos. Good governance requires strong political commitment and a dedicated, accommodating, liberal and competent leadership. There is no written constitution, which can provide the legal grounds for a legitimate, transparent and accountable system of governance. Political parties and civil society are not allowed to evolve a democratic culture suitable for good governance. The lack of ideology and clarity, indulgence in the politics of power instead of development politics and blind acceptance of hereditary leadership have led to serious erosion of democratic norms and values which are central to good governance.

The Bhutanese government at the moment is ridden with problems such as the refugee crisis, the ULFA and BODO insurgency, nepotism and threat to national security so much so that it will not be easy to diagnose them and prescribe remedies. Bhutan is a plural society with respect to religion but declares itself to be a Buddhist kingdom, it talks about the concept of equality but differentiates between the nation’s languages and national language, between men and women on the basis of ethnic, linguistic, religious and regional issues. It is tedious to emphasize good governance based on pseudo-guided reforms without incorporating the masses in the decision-making process. Today, the state is not in a position to protect life, liberty and property, render social justice and maintain internal cohesion. The definition of Bhutanese identity based on the Ngalung’s language, religion, Driglam Namza, and national dress itself stultifies good governance. The rule of law, human rights, human development, transparency, accountability, participatory development and decentralization are mere slogans. Prompt changes in public policy are needed to minimize past mistakes and challenges and come up with new ones. To enjoy the fruits of good governance, a democratic polity and dispensation should be introduced.

The government has to conduct the affairs of state seriously to restore its credibility and revive the faith of the people. Unless hard measures are adopted and implemented in a democratic setup, good governance will remain a moth’s cry for the moon in Bhutan. Good governance without majority support is absolutely unmanageable. Good governance in Bhutan means transformation of the state from the present absolute system to a democratic one with a written constitution.

Simplicity is blissful

By Laxmi Sharma

Ihad just entered into my marital, expecting a life full of thrills and frills. To live with new people, new surroundings, new unwritten and unexpected laws- this was indeed very challenging for me. Coming from western part of Nepal and trying to adjust with easterners was not as easy as chewing gum. I was completely in a muzzy state wondering at times if there was light at the end of the tunnel.

At that time, a marvellous couple Babucha and his wife used to visit our home regularly and nearby streets to clean up. Even at first glance, they appeared as a very loving and joyous couple who were made for each other. I assumed at once that they led a self-contented and care-free life, not all bothered about others. I used to chat with them. Their cool and comfy attitudes and gestures did impress me. I was enlightened by them: you really do not need to be well heeled to acquire peace and happiness. Although they were far away from sybaritic life style, they never hankered after luxury. Even after about two decades, they are the same happy ones. Nothing seems to have changed for them except his wife has now stopped coming to our house. Babucha thinks his wife gets tired of household chores and cannot come to clean the streets.

Meanwhile, I went through a pandemonium of changes in life- both for good and bad, adding layers of complexities to our already complex life. Actually, all these modern luxuries have made us an automaton. Our peace, pleasure, spare time has been replaced by strain, stress, edginess and hankering. We have become the slaves of modernity. Our never-ending desires have made us stony broke. TV, computer or the Internet captures our leisure time. Children are hooked on to computer games or the Internet almost twenty-four hours a day. The Net has become a haven for fulfilling teenagers’ wishes and fancies. After all romantic and sensational chat is more enjoyable than talking about drab stuffs with parents.

I wonder who won in the race for a peaceful and carefree life. Even today I find Babucha and his wife walking together in the neighbourhood and merrily chatting with each other. They still lead a simple yet stress-free life. I cannot help but envy the happy-go-lucky couple, free from vanity.

Consolidating Nepal-China ties

By Shanker M Singh

There is a media report that Nepal and China are set to sign a few agreements during the three-day visit of the Chinese Premier Zhu Rongji to Nepal, beginning from May 14. On the anvil are Chinese financial assistance to hospital for civil servants, completion of the Syabrubesi-Rasuwagadhi Highway (the alternative road link between the two countries besides the Arniko Highway), and a memorandum of understanding (MoU) on tourism regarding Nepal as an outbound tourist destination to Chinese.

The Syabrubesi-Rasuwagadhi Highway is expected to cut short the distance between Nepal and Lhasa. Once constructed, the highway would link Nepal with Tibet’s Kerung, which lies next to Rasuwagadhi. The present visit of Rongji to Nepal is aimed at broadening contact, developing goodwill and forging new areas of cooperation. The physical setting of the country is an important factor. King Prithvi Narayan Shah, the architect of modern Nepal, had comprehended this more than two hundred years ago. He called Nepal as yam between two huge boulders.

A cursory look at the history reveals that China is Nepal’s ancient neighbour. But the relationship between Nepal and China had remained cold due to closer interactions with British India. In 1955, Nepal-China relations were given a new thrust and the two countries established diplomatic relations on the basis of Panchasheel, the five principles of peaceful coexistence. The recorded history of Nepal-China relations dates back to the days of Sronstan Gampo, in the first half of the 7th century, who were given credit for introducing Buddhism with the help of his two wives from Nepal and China.

The exchange of high level visits has greatly contributed to strengthening the friendly relations existing between the two countries. Such visits have provided opportunities for broadening cooperation by identifying various areas of mutual interest in the fields of trade, agriculture, sports, tourism and so on. The recently concluded visit by His Majesty King Birendra to China was the second after the restoration of democracy in Nepal. The official goodwill visit by the late BP Koirala in 1960 and the visit of Chinese Premier Zhou En Lai to Nepal had taken place in the sixties.

The previous visit to China by Prime Minister Koirala in 1992 gave a new dimension to Nepal-China relations. Nepal enjoys excellent relationship with its northern neighbour China and is committed to further promoting and consolidating bilateral political, economic and trade relations. With this objective, Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala went on an official visit to the People's Republic to China from March 16 to 22, 1992.

In the changed political context in Nepal, the new government wanted to affirm that the relations between Nepal and China would continue to receive priority attention. The visit gave an opportunity for exchanging views on gamut of issues of bilateral, regional and international importance. The Nepal- China bilateral economic relations reached a new height when Former Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba visited China in March 1996. During the visit China, committed to providing a grant assistance of worth Rs 560 million for various projects to be identified and implemented by both governments. The visit of Nepali prime minister was followed by the visit of the Chinese President Jiang Zemin to Nepal in December 1996.

China is Nepal’s next immediate neighbour. Routine exchange of visits, periodic expression of rhetoric and continuation of fixed pattern of financial assistance mark the Sino-Nepal relations. The diplomatic ties seem to have given way to routine formalities. This shift has become more visible after China’s "long march" towards economic prosperity and Nepal’s re-entry into multi-party democracy. Policy planners are and intellectuals keep on exploring possibilities of taking advantage of China’s success. Recently, the Hong Kong Special Region introduced tough and complicated visa regulations for the visiting Nepalese. Nepal considers the new visa regime but simply impractical.

Some people opine the Nepali Congress government has exhibited disregard for China’s policies and sensibilities. This has more to do with the government's privatization scheme. The Chinese-aided industries like Bansbari Leather and Shoe Factory, Bhrikuti Paper Mills and Harisiddhi Bricks and Tile Factory have been privatised. And may more are in line for privatisation.

The Nepal-China non-government body has been formed with a view to sorting out another problem if any and to streamlining the trade and joint venture prospects. On August 20-25 last year, the Nepalese Foreign Minister paid an official visit to the People’s Republic of China on the occasion of the 45th year of establishment of diplomatic relations between Nepal and China. The two foreign ministers signed an agreement on Economic and Technical Cooperation amidst a function held at the Chinese Foreign Ministry in Beijing. Under the agreement, China has agreed to provide Nepal with a grant of RMB Yuan fifty million, which will be utilized for various projects to be agreed upon by the two governments.

Chinese assistance and the economic cooperation occupy a prominent place in the economic development of Nepal. The extensive cooperation has played significant role in the field of development of transport and industry. China has been extending cooperation to Nepal with a view to helping it in its efforts at economic development. An agreement relating to such cooperation was signed at Beijing on March 21, 1960. In 1961 another agreement relating to the construction of 104 km Arniko Highway (Kathmandu-Kodari) was signed.

Projects which have already been completed under Chinese aid in the transportation sector includes: Arniko Highway (114 km), Prithvi Highway (176 km), Kathmandu-Bhaktapur road (13 km), Ring Road (29 km), Gorkha-Narayanghat road (61 km) and Pokhara-Baglung road.

In the industrial development sector, Chinese aid includes cotton mill, Hetauda, Leather and Shoe factory (Bansbari), Brick and Tile Factory (Bhaktapur), Bhrikuti Paper Mill (Gaidakot), Lumbini Sugar Mill (Nawalparasi) and Gorkhali Rubber Udhyog.

Summing up, the present visit of the Chinese Premier will prove successful in maintaining cordial friendship with China, while preserving our freedom for action. Mutual esteem, tolerance and perseverance from both the countries are required to enhance the relations.