Important visit

Chinese Premier Zhu Rongji arrives here today on a three-day official visit as part of a swing through the region. Premier Zhu Ronji’s visit is important on several counts which overlap to some extent. First, there is the overall scenario of growing and deepening ties between the two countries as exemplified by the state visit paid to China by Their Majesties the King and Queen earlier this year. Secondly, Nepal-China bilateral trade has taken on some urgency in view of China’s prospective entry into the World TradeOrganisation and Nepal’s increasing trade deficit with China. Against this background Nepal has been looking forward to preferential treatment in its trade with Tibet. The China trade is likely to gain in importance as China turns more and more towards development in its south west including construction of a broad gauze rail link between Lhasa and Gormo. On a related front, China has agreed in principle to open two more border points, in Kimathanka and Mustang. Border traffic is imporant not just for trade.Nepal has to send foodgrain to its remoter districts through Tibet, on an adhoc basis. These issues are expected to figure during the Zhu Rongji visit.

The Chinese Premier is also likely to see the signing of six different agreements including a letter of exchange on building the Syabrubesi-Rasuwagadi-Kerung road. The others relate to agriculture, a polytechnical institute, a hospital for civil servants, avoidance of double taxation and fiscal evasion, and economic and technological cooperation. Some of these projects are also significant for the implications they have for other aspects of Nepal-China relations. One such aspect is security in a changing context, including the question of Nepal’s own deteriorating internal stability. China has voiced concern over this matter and it could well figure in talks during the Chinese Premier’s visit, with the Nepalese side no doubt seeking Chinese assurances in view of the growing Maoist threat. Nepal is also worried about the nuclear arms proliferation in the region. China for its part is always concerned about free Tibet activity in Nepal, and the Chinese Premier might seek reassurances about Nepalese territory not being used for anti-China activity. Any assurances that Nepal can offer will be music to Chinese ears given the changing regional configuration. This has to do with the perceived encirclement of China, the emerging superpower, by the United States, in alliance with countries in China’s periphery. The Bush Administration’s proposed nuclear defence shield fits in with just such a grand design.

Last and not lest is Nepal’s own policy of equilibrium between its two giant neighbours. This policy is expected to be further bolstered by the new road link mentioned above, something regarding which the Chinese have in effect said no third country need be too exercised about. This road and the emergence of China as an economic powerhouse and global player will undoubtedly further bolster Nepal’s traditional policy. These will greatly bolster Nepal’s latitude in making independent policy decisions without seeming to be pliant towards its northern or southern neighbour.

A perspective on Nepal-China relation

By Dr Prakash Chandra Lohani

Nepal-China relations have always been characterized by a deep sense of understanding, friendship and cordiality. We have a long historical relationship going all the way back to the Jin and Tang dynasty when great Chinese scholars like Fahein and Huen Tsang visited and wrote about Nepal. In modern times, the formal relationship started on August 1, 1955 with the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two nations.

In the present age, we live in a world of nation states of bewildering diversity ranging all the way from tiny powers to great powers and super powers with differences in technological application, economic development, institutional capabilities and a wide variety of other indicators of strength and resources. In spite of this diversity, however, there is one theme that nations have in common; countries generally have a perception of their identity, existence and a sense of past, present and future all defined within the framework of a conceptualized notion of national interests. Each country on our planet has its own set of national interests, and convergence or divergence of national interests between and among nations defines the basis of a relationship.

If one considers national interest as a normative set defining the existence of a state there are then four different perspectives that immediately come to our attention with respect to foreign policy. They are (1) political (2) economic (3) security and (4) culture. When all the four perspectives are viewed in their totality, it defines the relationship between nations at the macro level. Strong relationship at the macro level is not possible without some degree of understanding and convergence in the way the four elements are viewed. In the context of China and Nepal, we can say with confidence that relationship at the macro level remains excellent. This means that over the years both our countries have developed a great deal of understanding and achieved a mutually acceptable level of convergence in the perception of all the four elements vital for defining a state of close and friendly relations.

Political perspective: As an independent country it has remained the objective of all governments in Nepal to strengthen sovereignty and national independence. This is the most important component of our national interest and is the crucial basis of our relationship with our immediate neighbours and beyond. It is this perspective that China has always appreciated and supported. China’s support to Nepal’s independence and sovereignty has always remained resolute and firm. Similarly, Nepal has steadfastly supported the one China policy even during the height of the cold war, and has consistently maintained its stand on Tibet being a part of China. It is this convergence of political perspective on vital issues of sovereignty and independence that has created a foundation of mutual trust and confidence. Leaders of both countries have worked hard to nurture this relationship and the current visit will further strengthen it in the future.

Economic perspective: From an economic perspective, the convergence of interests of both our nations promises great opportunities for the future. Over the years the Chinese government has provided more than two dozen whole plants as economic aid to Nepal. China’s aid has helped Nepal to build its capability to supply, to some extent, the common needs of food, shelter, health, clothing, transportation and power.

For the first twenty five years, economic cooperation between the two countries was primarily on a state to state basis. Even after China started opening up its economy, the government aid programme has continued and, in the mean time, some progress has also been achieved in promoting Chinese private investment in Nepal. Chinese policy makers over the years have taken bold initiatives to accumulate and expand the use of private capital in national reconstruction. The use of private capital and ownership within the framework of the concept of market socialism has gained momentum and has led to impressive gains in income and output. Nepal has recognized this change and both governments have taken the steps to encourage private entrepreneurs as agents of a beneficial economic relationship geared towards the future.

It is Nepal’s national interest to expand its economic links with neighbouring countries. China has appreciated this need and has shown considerable willingness to encourage this process so that a win-win situation could be realized for both nations. In line with this approach, Nepal proposed the establishment of a China-Nepal non-governmental economic forum in 1996. The idea was to bring entrepreneurs of both countries together to think about projects that could open new vistas of trade and investments for mutual benefit. Four meetings of the Forum have already taken place and one hopes that it will be able to play a catalytic role in the future. Nepal must leave no stones unturned to make the Forum a success in terms of being able to develop new economic links between the two nations. In this endeavour the government should try to create an enabling environment for the private sector to flourish. So far our effort to utilize the Forum has been somewhat lethargic and lazy. This needs to change in the future and the government must lead the way.

Nepal’s trade link with China is growing and the future holds immense possibilities. The Chinese economy, given its high rate of savings, inflow of foreign capital and the availability of labour released from agriculture to work in manufacturing and service industries, can be expected to grow at the rate of 8-10 percent for the next two decades or so. This will mean massive investments in the Tibet region in infrastructure, manufacturing, and tourism. Already the central government in China is planning to build a railway line to link Tibet with the rest of China. The 1,118 km railway line planned to be constructed between Lhasa and Gormo in northwest China will be the longest highland railway of the world. Extension of the railway from Lhasa to the Nepal border may seem somewhat unrealistic at the moment but it is a vision that could materialize. Nepal has to prepare for this kind of a scenario and plan on building stronger economic links and interaction with the Tibet region and the rest of China in the future. It is a vision that is consistent with the economic interests of both countries and goes on to strengthen a basis of relationship grounded on mutually beneficial trade and investments. We, on our side must remain cognizant of these possibilities and develop our links accordingly. In this context, the initiative taken from the Chinese side to take Nepal as one of the tourist destinations for Chinese people is highly significant. It indicates the willingness of China to encourage Nepal to develop the economic dimension of our relationship in a mutually beneficial framework. Similarly, the willingness of both Nepal and China to open new trade routes, especially the Syaprubesi-Rasuwagari-Kerung road connection holds great promise from a mid and long term prospective. We in Nepal must realize the opportunities inherent in these new developments and be able to use them for the benefit of our people. In this context, it is worth mentioning that an agreement to avoid double taxation was long overdue.

Security perspective: Border security constitutes the core of territorial integrity of a nation. We share a long border, over 1,000 km with China, a great nation and an emerging world power. It is in the national interest of both countries to make sure that the border remains a landmark of trust and friendship. This is an important component of a security perspective that is well appreciated by the foreign policy establishment in Nepal no matter which party is in power. It means taking strong action to make sure that Nepal is not used as a place for organizing activities detrimental to the territorial integrity of China. Being sandwiched between two great powers, Nepal's security perspective should recognize the fact that China will have security interests in Nepal. At the minimum, it would require action on the part of the Nepali state against groups that want to use Nepal and its territory to create problems in the Tibet region of China. Respecting Chinese minimum security interest in Nepal is consistent with our own national interest of strengthening sovereignty and independence. As an independent country we cannot and should not allow our land to be used against any friendly country, especially our neighbours. This is perfectly consistent with the objective of security, prosperity and survival of a small independent nation seeking to retain and project its identity even as it remains sandwiched between two giants of the region. Therefore, Nepal’s relationship with China from a security perspective achieves an acceptable level of mutual convergence as long as the government appreciates this logic and takes decisions consistent with it. So far, all governments in Nepal, whether during the Panchayat or the multi-party era, have remained within this broad framework even though the style or nuances of execution associated with the changing leadership have at times created some degree of unnecessary anxiety and confusion.

Cultural perspective: China has always remained a great nation of Buddhist learning and scholarship. Culturally, for Nepal, China holds special attractions. Nepal has a substantial Buddhist population. Even among the Nepali Hindu the orientation towards Gautam Buddha is one of respect and veneration. With increasing economic interaction and movement of goods and people, the cultural links between Nepal and China are likely to grow stronger thus contributing to the overall development and expansion of bilateral relations in the future.

The linkages among the elements of national interest in the context of a nation’s foreign policy ultimately define the relationship between two nations at the macro level. All the four elements that have been discussed must be seen not in isolation but in a relational setting. Focusing only on one or the other in isolation would be of little use at the macro level.

In the case of Nepal and China, it is heartening to note that our relationship at all levels--political, economic, security and cultural--have achieved a mutually acceptable level of convergence so that there is a high level of trust and confidence at the macro level. This is to the credit of the leaders of both our countries. The forthcoming visit of the Chinese premier will further consolidate this process and strengthen our joint determination to promote peace and development in the region.

(The author is vice president of the National Democratic Party and a Member of Parliament)

PM’s job

By Tilak Pokharel

During the interim period, after the restoration of democracy, interim Prime Minister Krishna Prasad Bhattarai a.k.a Kishunji had said that his government had only two things to do - one was the development of a new Constitution while the next one was to fix the date for the first general elections.

A decade has already passed and Bhattarai’s colleague Girija Prasad Koirala a.k.a Girijababu is in the respected chair. At this time, he candidly says, "Kishunji’s job is to ask me to resign and mine is not to do so." This infers that the job of the respected PM is merely to stick to the chair. Girjababu thinks that being in the PM’s chair is the great deed itself, which every PM cannot do because of moral bars. Maybe he has the sole right to interpret his job, which is not tolerable.

If the PM says that his job is to cling to the chair any how, one can simply surmise the job of his fellow sinister ministers and the hakims (civil servants) i.e., the whole governing machineries. In course of time, Girjababu’s job is changing. His job sometimes is to play role in a drama of toppling the government led by his own party, being the party president. And sometimes to go for games in the jungles in the western parts of the country.

One peculiar characteristic of our peculiar PM is that he has very close affinity with his family members; but is apathetic towards his own country, even if the country is passing through some virulent things. The first and foremost job of Girjababu is to do the best by his family, as every family head strives to do the best by their family members.

Another major job every PM has been doing is to visit foreign countries as far as possible. Whenever they get an offer to visit a country, they do not miss it and even leave a Parliament Session or other important things to go for the visit. Our PMs attend every UN Convention, regardless of any benefit or harm to the country. Our current PM even takes time to rebuke the press, which is not complying with him. It has been one the regular jobs which Girjababu does these days.

At the time when the PM personally and the whole Cabinet collectively get into trouble, it becomes a regular job of the PM to go to Bhaisepati, Kishunji’s residence.

And, when his Cabinet is strong enough to sustain itself, it again becomes the major duty of Girjababu to castigate the hapless and innocent santa leader.

Not to mention attending regular gostis and seminars, our PM frequently goes to his home district, just like the western elites spend days and even weeks at the beach to get rid of regular and obviously ho-hum stuff.

Rewards and reservations

By Kuldip Nayar

Following the norms of democracy, the constituent assembly in India, justifiably, tagged the seats in the Lok Sabha and the assemblies to the number of voters in a particular state. The larger secured more members and the smaller less. Little did the constitution framers realise at that time that such a provision would reward the states without family planning discipline.

This has, indeed, happened. Over the years, Bihar, Haryana, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and UP states have increased their strength in the Lok Sabha and the assembly on the basis of population. All the five states are Hindi-speaking. They are situated the north of Vindhya Hills and the states are known as BIMARU. The non-Hindi speaking states have felt irritated over their getting more seats.

The 2000 Census only confirms that the Hindi-speaking states continue to proliferate in population. They beat the country’s annual growth rate of 1.9 percent. Bihar’s increase is 2.85 percent, Haryana’s 2.47, Madhya Pradesh’s 2.18, Rajasthan’s 2.49 percent and UP 2.3 percent. In contrast, the five states down the Vindhyas, are below the annual growth rate. Andhra Pradesh registers 1.3 percent, Karnataka 1.59 percent, Kerala 0.90 percent, Orissa 1.48 percent and Tamil Nadu 1.6 percent.

Incidentally, the yearly growth of population in Assam, which is supposed to have changed its demographic complexion because of illegal migration from Bangladesh, is only 1.73 percent, below the country’s average. It proves the hollowness of the state governor’s alarming report that the people from across the border are taking over Assam.

It is clear that the increase and decrease of seats in the Lok Sabha or the assemblies on the basis of population was not fair from the beginning. More voters should claim more representation. But a way has to be found if the dictum distorts the system.

Parliament has done well to amend the constitution and freeze the number of seats at the strength prevailing today. Still, Uttar Pradesh has 85 seats in the Lok Sabha and Bihar 54. The amendment evoked no opposition from any political party in parliament. Both houses approved it unanimously even during the stalled proceedings in the last session.

I recall when the draft amendment was placed before the Standing Committee of the Home Ministry, members from the Hindi-speaking states were as vociferous in their support as were members from the non-Hindi speaking states. None favoured the idea of population being the criterion.

Unfortunately the principle not to link seats with the population has not been applied to the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. The reserved seats for them may increase, lessening the number of seats in the general category. This is bound to create bad blood between the upper and lower castes. Tagging seats to the population is as reprehensible in the case of dalits and tribal people as in others. The National Democratic Alliance has played politics.

To my surprise, most MPs are unwilling to join issue on the point of watering down any concession for the dalits and the tribal people. Political considerations have come to weigh in the minds of members so much that their attitude is dictated by what is good for the caste, not the society. Political parties do not want to take a stand which would annoy the scheduled castes and the tribes even remotely.

This brings me to the larger question of reservations. The extension to the law is given by parliament every 10 years, without any debate. It seems to suit all parties, which have developed a vested interest in reservations because of electoral advantages.

When the legislation for extension of reservations in jobs and admissions to professional institutions came up for discussion a few months ago, I appealed to Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee, who was present in the house, to put a time limit to the reservations on the basis of caste. Let it be even 50 years, two percent tapering off every year. Thus there would be an end to the pernicious practice one day. What was meant to last 10 years has already gone beyond 50 years and there is no end in sight. I argued that the criterion should be economic backwardness. Nobody seemed interested in my proposal.

Dr BR Ambedkar, the unchallenged dalit leader, who framed the constitution, was strongly opposed to reservations. He described them as crutches. He agreed to the provision only on the understanding that it would not be continued after 10 years. Today no party dares even to talk about it, much less suggest its modification.

Even the Supreme Court’s advice that the creamy layer of the dalits should be debarred from availing itself of the concessions has been ignored. The dalit leaders, who constitute the creamy layer, are too powerful to allow anything which may give benefits to the lower half among the dalits.

With reservations for the backward, the problem has got still more tangled. A bigger front in favour of reservations has developed, although the dalits and the backward are generally at war with each other. The demand for reservation on one pretext or the other is increasing in the country, creating a strong feeling of inequality among those who are outside the periphery of reservation.

The young people are particularly resentful. They do not buy the argument that the present generation of Hindus must atone for the sins of the discrimination practised for centuries." Even if it is so, 50 years should have been adequate for penance," argue the youth of upper castes.

The worst fallout is that the best, outside the charmed circle of reservation, are going abroad. They say that they do not get admission to professional institutions or government jobs because of reservations. Even the Supreme Court judgment that reservations should not go beyond 50 percent of the tribal population has been flouted by some laws.

Affirmative action, as prevalent in the US to accommodate the coloured, is understandable in a democratic society but not permanent legislation on the basis of caste. Still worse is the reservation in promotions because the promotees under the rules have neither expertise nor acceptance. This is affecting work in government offices. Resentment against all this is rising. The sense of denial, accumulating day by day, may reach flash point one day. It may wash away all kinds of reservation. The nation must have the best. That is the reason why the armed forces have not accepted reservations.

The bug of reservation has lately bitten some Muslim leaders, if not organisations. Once again there is the same old talk which one heard before partition. They seem to forget how the Hindu-Muslim problem got aggravated in the wake of separate electorates introduced by the British. The gap has not yet been bridged.

The unkindest cut comes from a Sikh member of the National Minorities Commission. He has asked the MPs of his community to join hands to demand more representation in different institutions in the country. The safeguards, which have been guaranteed to the minorities in the constitution, are the nation’s obligation towards them. But representation on the basis of community may spell ruin to the nation’s unity. If every community wants to articulate its own agenda, what happens to the country?

It is sad that parochial thinking is spreading all over India -- sometimes in the name of community, sometimes caste or something else. This is telling upon the country’s pluralistic thinking, ethos and the character of the state. India may disintegrate if the trend is not stopped immediately.