Take it seriously

The three-day secretary level meeting between Nepal and Bhutan on how to verify and categorise the Bhutanese refugees, as agreed between the two countries last March, began yesterday in the capital. The next ministerial level meeting will take place in Thimphu soon after the Joint Verification Team (JVT) completes the verification at the Khudunabari camp, a camp that consists of 12,000 families. So far, JVT has verified over 9,500 families. With such pace, it will take at least seven years to complete the verification at the seven camps, leave aside the categorisation. But it is too early to predict whether Bhutan will really take back its refugees, languishing in seven different UNHCR-run camps in eastern Nepal since 1991. In the Indian media, the Bhutanese foreign minister mentioned some weeks ago that Bhutan would not take back those refugees having criminal records. Besides, India has not agreed officially to help the repatriation of Bhutanese refugees since these refugees entered Nepal through the Indian territory. Bhutan has forcibly evicted its citizens by imposing its archaic laws on minorities. Bhutan undermined the human rights and imposed dictatorial laws on the minorities, citing the need for protecting its cultural or ethnic identity. But the international community is aware of the fact that Bhutan has yet to ensure its citizens the freedoms of expression and press constitutionally. Any dictatorial law considered suitable to the ruling clan will cost the Druk regime more than the repatriation efforts undertaken by the international community.

It is to be hoped that JVT, which has begun to distinguish Bhutanese refugees from non-Bhutanese since April, may complete the verification at the Khudunabari camp by the end of this year. The next step to repatriation is the "categorisation" that will put the refugees into four groups. This kind of classification will certainly create both state and stateless citizens despite their evidence of Bhutanese nationality. Ninety-five percent of the identified refugees living at the Khudunabari camp have evidence to support their claim. The Druk regime cannot disagree to agree to this fact. This apart, the remaining five percent, who were forcibly evicted from Bhutan, do not have any evidence of their nationality. Will such people, who are also Bhutanese living at the UNHCR-run camps, be made stateless citizens? Bhutan cannot undermine human rights when it has agreed to be part of the international community. Neither can it delay the repatriation process by citing archaic laws, nor has it any right to reject the refugees who have enough evidence to prove their nationality. The Bhutanese refugee issue is one of the many pressing problems in Nepal that can in no way be taken casually.

Harmonization: Another hurdle for repatriation?

By Dr DNS Dhakal

Had Nepal been careful in handling the bilateral talks during the second JMC meeting in Thimphu in April 1994, the refugee problem would not have protracted thus far. It was Nepal’s naivety to allow the Royal Government of Bhutan to walk into the categorization trap, and because of which everyone has suffered: the refugees, HMG Nepal and international donor agencies. The categorization, if undertaken, would not only allow Bhutan to choose among the Bhutanese refugees, and decide whom to accept or reject, but would also place Nepal in an awkward position. A government that came to power after a half century long struggle against the monarchical system would become indirectly an instrument of more authoritarian regime in Thimphu to bundle together politically conscious Bhutanese individuals into a criminal group and hand over them unwillingly to the Royal Government of Bhutan for trial against fictitious charges. Essentially, the current theme of categorization enables Bhutan to obtain approval stamp of HMG Nepal to punish the dissidents and create statelessness problem for a large chunk of the refugees, particularly those who were compelled to sign the so-called voluntary migration forms.

The ongoing secretarial level talks session at Kathmandu is crucial for the refugees. The criteria that the representatives of the two governments would agree upon for placing the refugees into the agreed four categories would determine who among the refugees could return to Bhutan, who will become stateless persons and who will have to seek safe sanctuaries elsewhere to avoid political persecution in Bhutan. The task seems undoubtedly difficult. The two negotiating teams are sitting across the table with different frame of references: Bhutan insisting upon dividing the refugees into four groups, willing to take responsibility of those Bhutanese, if forcibly evicted and Bhutanese with criminal records, and Nepal insisting upon merging the four categories into Bhutanese and non-Bhutanese groups, making a case that all refugees who were habitual residents of Bhutan are the concern of the Royal Government, and the responsibility for their eventual rehabilitation lies with Bhutan. Indeed, Bhutan cannot disown its citizens by citing its archaic laws when it has become a full-fledged member of the United Nations, willing to respect and uphold the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and various international instruments.

Negotiating strength of the respective teams depend upon their perception of the problem. Bhutan took the emotional participation of the Lhotsampa population in the 1990 demonstration for restoration of their fundamental rights and cultural rights in South Bhutan as a threat to the nation’s sovereignty, dubbing the people of Nepali origin traitors who are willing to compromise the nation’s interests for gaining political power in Thimphu. The Royal Government of Bhutan has not hesitated to quote the Sikkim episode, provoking HMG Nepal to react to such a fictitious problem. Therefore, Bhutan’s agenda during the last ten years at home and abroad had been to discredit the on-going human rights and democracy movement in Bhutan, mobilising the state’s resources for waging propaganda war and collecting information for framing strategic response. None of the officials in Thimphu, including the King, would have doubted the citizenship status of the majority of the people in the camps, and it is now being proven by the joint verification process that, of the 12500-refugee population at the Khudunabari camp, more than 95 percent have some documents to support their origin in Bhutan. Despite this, Jigme Y Thinley, Foreign Minister of Bhutan, said to the Indian press recently that ‘Bhutan had reached saturation point and could not take in more refugees that were being created by environmental degradation and economic deprivation’, thus reflecting the negative attitude of the Royal Government towards the refugee population in the camps.

On the other hand, Nepal seems more optimistic than ever before, announcing its intention to begin repatriation of the refugees by the beginning of 2002. It is understandable on Nepal’s part to make such announcement, given the long-awaited SAARC Summit that is scheduled to take place in Kathmandu in January 2002, and it would make Nepal and Bhutan comfortable to share the same dais without having to face demonstrations from the refugee communities and local human rights groups, demanding early resolution to the decade old Bhutanese refugee problem. Also, for Nepal Bhutanese refugee issue is one of its many pressing problems. If solved, it would boost the country's sagging foreign policy and open up new avenues for economic and cultural co-operation between the two land-locked Himalayan Kingdoms. Traditionally, Bhutan and Nepal had been close and friendly neighbours; there always have been exchange of informal ambassadors between the two states since the time of Shabdrung Nawang Namgyal in Bhutan. Lhumbani, Swayambhu and Boudha are the places of pilgrimage for Buddhists of Bhutan. Likewise, Phuntsholing town, known as the gateway to Bhutan, is hardly 200 km away from Nepal’s eastern outpost Kakarivitta in Jhapa to encourage trade and commerce. Therefore, optimism may run high on Nepal’s part to be complacent on the refugee problem in view of deepening prospects in the bilateral relationship.

Nepal, however, would do well in de-linking the Bhutanese refugee issue for building its future bilateral relationship with Bhutan. Relationships between two matured states are based on national interests, which are guided by geo-political reality and prospects for trade and commerce. The harmonization process essentially demands a compromise on the citizenship status of some Bhutanese refugees who had nothing to do with Nepal before they took shelter at the UNHCR-run camps. Besides, Nepal has a greater stake in handling this case, as it would have a long-term impact on the political stability of Nepali Diaspora living outside of Nepal. A satisfactory resolution of this problem buys insurance for Nepal’s security, and India’s involvement in the resolution process helps de-link Nepal from its future responsibility towards the people of ethnic Nepalese in Bhutan. Reportedly, it was for this reason the late King Birendra Bikram Shah Dev had advised HMG Nepal to seek active support of the Indian government for the resolution to the Bhutanese refugee problem, which has not yet come up officially.

There are reasons to believe, however, that India has been actively working to persuade Bhutan to take its citizens back to Bhutan after Indian Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee came to power in Delhi. The BJP’s policy towards the Bhutanese refugees has metamorphosed from ‘neutrality’ to ‘’dynamic impartiality’, and Nepal can expect India’s critical inputs in merging the four categories into Bhutanese and non-Bhutanese, should there be a problem in harmonization of position. Appointment of Dr I P Singh, core member of BJP’s foreign affairs committee, as ambassador to Nepal can be considered a positive development since he is one of the well-versed Indians on the Bhutanese refugee problem.

Saga of suffering

By Ganesh Khaniya

Hey, guys and gals! If you are regular commuters like me in this city, then let me share some experience with you.

Almost all the daily commuters are impelled to face the ordeal inside a stinking public bus where people are crammed, as if they are animals or commodities. The bus conductor starts hollering in high pitch saying, "Go inside. There is ample space left", thus making no room even for sesame seeds. Amid this chock-o-block set-up, even if your feet get trampled you don't mind because you are accustomed to it. Jostling one another is so common that you’ll find yourself moving back and forth as though you were on a swing.

Pickpocketing is a thriving trade in this part of the world. Never be shocked if you are robbed even when you are in a crowd. Taking advantage of the congested atmosphere, some quarters even try to be amorous. If you start complaining, you‘ll get a prompt rebuff, "Take a private vehicle and you‘ll not face it". You have no option but to endure silently their indecent and crude remarks.

Worsening the already unpleasant condition, some reeking chaps enter the bus, while others dig into their noses and paste the substance anywhere- be it the ceiling, iron-bars or the seats. There are still others who throw up in the middle of the bus, and just imagine the scene and nuisance they create. Coughing and spitting is rampant. Given such filthy atmosphere, you are bound to feel nauseated and giddy. But control yourself! You have no respite here.

If you’re lucky enough to get a seat, you can kill your time by reading newspapers, but even then no one respects your solitude. "Let me go through the inside pages," saying this he or she is likely to snatch away some pages. And what if someone besides you takes a nap and starts snoring, while falling asleep on your shoulders?

Non-smokers are another victims. You will find some smokers puffing inside the bus with much relish, and if you ask them not to smoke, they are likely to scoff at you or throw contemptuous glance at you. When your destination comes, you get off from the bus. But the saga of suffering goes on as usual.

To be the God’s wife

By Dr Nikolay Listopadov

The Kingdom of Nepal is known for its exotic character. Highest peak in the world. Birthplace of Buddha. Cities - like museums in the open air. Basically, this can be enough, but the list of originalities won’t be complete without saying that Nepal is also the only Hindu Kingdom in the world. And the King here is not simply the King, but a living God.

It is not by chance that everyone who comes to Nepal first thinks about how to see, even from distance, the divine royal couple. But after considering it to be impossible, one sets out on the traditional tourist routes, since there are lots of them here. But it never occurred to tourists that the King and Queen by no means live as anchorites at the Palace.

I had a chance to learn that at first hand. Once I received the invitation to the Nepali opera called "Deukee". Local operas are different from those we are used to watch. But still I was positive to go there after I had learned that the opera would be honoured by the august couple’s presence.

Their arm-chairs, covered with carpets, appeared to be just a few rows from me. When the King and Queen came in, everybody stood up. But especially Queen Aishwarya - Queen, God’s wife and Goddess wore an embarrassed smile. And they were dressed not in a royal way - frankly simple. And behaved very modestly.

But that was a prelude. What occurred after the performance exceeded all the royal limits. When the limousine was brought to the exit, the Queen didn’t take a sit behind the driver, as it is supposed to be according to protocol, but she took a front seat near the driver. But then I couldn’t believe my eyes - the living God sat as a driver and they went to the Palace.

Later, I had a chance to visit the Palace on the occasion of Crown Prince Dipendra's birthday. And once again I was "disappointed " in a sense, - the royal interior can hardly be described as luxurious. It didn’t lack eastern colouring either- waiting room was decorated with lots of hunting trophies like rhinos’, wild boars’ and bears’ heads, dears’ antlers and elephants’ tusks.

But the most interesting thing was that the royal pair, despite their divine status, shook hand with all the foreign guests, politely accepting the congratulations. And again there was a rather embarrassed smile on the pretty face of the Queen.

One could say that Queen Aishwarya was lucky to be born into the Rana family which is related to the glorious Kshatriya varna of rulers and warriors.

By the way, the powerful Rana kin, second in Nepal by significance, was virtually ruling the Kingdom for more than 100 years. Strange situation could be observed here: Kings were alive, but hereditary Rana prime ministers ruled the country. And the post of prime minister didn’t proceed from father to son, but to the senior representative of the family. However, even nowadays this clan supplies eminent commanders to the Nepalese Army. Besides, Queen’s grandfather and father were famous generals.

Aishwarya was born on November 7, 1949, and was a well-educated person. She studied in India, at St Helen Monastery School, then at a college in Kathmandu. She acquired a Bachelor’s degree at the Tribhuvan University. At the same time, she was also learning music seriously.

The then Crown Prince Birendra and all the royal family took the fancy of Aishwarya. Most likely not only because of her beauty but because of her disposition: calmness, intellect and kindness. In February, 1970 , 25-year-old Crown Prince Birendra married 20-year-old Aishwarya. One and half years later, son Dipendra was born.

Unfortunately, even kings are mortal. Early in 1972, King Mahendra died. And on the January 31, 26-year-old Prince Birendra was enthroned. It is clear that the coronation ceremony was held in accordance with the ancient Vedic rituals, magnificently and solemnly. It is not without a reason the word "Dev", which means "deity", is a part of the King’s name. So at 23, Aishwarya became not only the Queen, but a Goddess as well. In 1976, daughter Sruti was born, and after a few years Nirajan, the second son .

Many Nepalese called Aishwarya and Birendra an ideal couple. And this is no flattery. They never parted with each other. Even when Birendra was the Prince, he was always accompanied by his wife in his trips all over Nepal. Those trips had nothing in common with comfortable voyages. The heir to the throne was keen to know the life of one of the least developed and poorest states in the world at first hand. They often travelled incognito, like ordinary strangers, staying at the coaching and lunching at the common taverns. If one asked any Nepali person about the royal couple, he would have heard a lot of kind words for them.

Since the early nineties, Nepal has a constitutional monarchy. The transition from absolutism to parliamentary democracy was not an easy one. In August, 1990, for instance, the infuriated mob threw stones at Aishwarya ( the living Goddess!) on her way back from the Pashupatinath temple. Nevertheless, she didn’t hide away from the people.

It is known that Nepal is a bright and colourful country. This may account for the desire of the Nepalese women to overbeautify themselves. Many have chandeliers hanging on their noses and saucers-earring of a considerable size on their ears. Against this background, Queen Aishwarya dressed up very modestly. It seemed, that her favourite colour was calm green. Mostly she preferred green saris.

The Indo-Aryan blood in Nepal was mixed with the Mongoloid, that brought about a special charm to the ladies. So Aishwarya’s appearance combined romanticism of Indian movie stars and inscrutability of Thai or Philippine women.

The Queen’s main hobby was poetry, and she wrote in Nepali under the pseudonym Chandani Shah. Her poems are translated into English, Hindi, Urdu, Bengali and Sanskrit. Some of them were set for music by the author.

In 1999 in Kathmandu, a magnificent volume was issued, which comprised not only Queen’s poems, but also articles on Nepalese history, culture and traditions. The book was coupled with the compact disk containing songs by Her Majesty. It is hard to imagine a better souvenir from a Himalayan Kingdom for tourists.

So what did Aishwarya write about? About the beauty of Nepali nature, about its ancient temples and monasteries. And of course about love. It is natural that her poems are imbued with Hindu conception of individual soul - Atma, which is going to merge with the absolute beginning of the world - Brahman- and to reach the state of Mukti - liberation from sufferings and vicissitudes of existence.

May the untimely departed soul of the late Queen Aishwarya attain Mukti.

(The author is Charge D’affaires at Russian Embassy)