Talks prospects

Although dates and venue have yet to be announced, the movement towards the third round of government-Maoists talks is getting into high gear. In quick succession over the past few days, the government has scrapped the Public Security Regulations and agreed to release 68 more Maoists in its captivity, thereby going further towards fostering a conducive atmosphere. The Maoists have climbed down from their demand for a republican state, at least for now. Meanwhile, Maoist supremo Prachanda has said publicly that his party wants a halt to all violence and counter-violence. However he also said that though the Maoists had no policy of attacking anyone, they were forced to take defensive action. This the government finds unacceptable. Home Minister Khum Bahadur Khadka wants Prachanda to order his cadres to stop all violence forthwith. Coordinator of the government’s talks team Chiranjivi Wagle also finds the Prachanda statement incomplete and for the same reason. The government likewise finds unacceptable the Maoist call for a constituent assembly. This is seen as an attempt to bring in their republic through the back door. That is the state of play right now, and it is not surprising that things are at last on the move. Although the third round talks have been delayed, informal contacts have apparently been taking place since the second round. The Maoists are meanwhile facing increasingly unfavourable realities on the ground and the government of Sher Bahadur Deuba also does not have all the time in the world. His old nemesis Girija Prasad Koirala is publicly pressing for quicker results and has denounced the scrapping of the Public Security Regulations. It is the old spectre of powerful elements within the Congress party not wanting Deuba to get all the credit for settling the Maoist insurgency.

Two issues have now come to the fore. One is the continuing Maoist violence, albeit at a lower level than in the past. The Maoist will just have to do something about that or, as hinted at by the home minister, admit openly that they are no longer in full control of their cadres. There is some wind of that already. The government for its part may have to go the extra mile to satisfy the Maoists that they have no more of their comrades in captivity. In this connection Dandapani Neupane is one name that keeps cropping up. The other issue is the constituent assembly. The whole idea is now a relic of history harking back to when King Tribhuvan returned home in triumph in 1951 from self-imposed exile to proclaim that a constituent assembly would be convened to write Nepal’s constitution. Although the idea has cropped up again from time to time, practical politics in this country has never allowed it to materialise. Reviving this option now would mean opening a whole new Pandora’s box of contentious issues that could split the country vertically and horizontally, issues that are best tackled one by one in the fullness of time, as opinion in this country steadily matures. The Maoists are now using it as a way of wriggling out of an unrealistic demand by landing the ball in the people’s court. It is part of the soft landing they seek, and its merit may amount to no more than that. The government and the Maoists will now have to put their heads together in right earnest and work out a solution to it that is not unrealistic and that will enable the Maoist leadership to carry their rank and file along with them.

Are local government institutions viable ?

By Dr Soorya Lal Amatya

Aseries of efforts were made in this country to implement decentralization schemes with the sole objective of creating viable local government institutions (LGIs) at different levels from village to district. In fact, formal efforts were made in the 1950s through the Municipality Act of 1953, and the Village Act of 1956. These were replaced by the Village Panchayat Act of 1962 and the Town Panchayat Act of 1962. The first comprehensive effort was made in the early 1980s and we had the Decentralization Act of 1982 and by-laws promulgated in December 1984. It was a well-drafted act which empowered local government institutions at village, municipality and district levels.

With the restoration of the multi-party democratic system in 1990, there were overall changes the government organisations. The Constitution of 1990 did not incorporate specific provisions for local government institutions but in the directive principles of the constitution emphasis was laid on enhancement of the people’s participation in governance through decentralization. The entire decentralization act and by-laws were again redrafted in the light of political change in the country. However, the structures and functions for the VDCs, municipalities and DDCs were more or less the same under the VDC Act of 1991, Municipality Act of 1991 and DDC Act of 1991.

The development grant to all the VDCs was substantially increased to Rs 500,000 in 1995/96. Since then the grant of Rs 500,000 has been maintained each year. Municipalities were almost like autonomous corporate bodies and were better off in terms of revenue sources. Octroi was the main source of their revenue. But due to pressure from the business community, octroi had to be withdrawn and the government compensated them by levying an additional 1.5 percent customs tax. The local government institutions elected under the decentralization act of 1991 did not even complete their full term of five years and the government constituted the High Level Decentralization Coordination Committee (HLDCC) with the sole objective of further strengthening and empowering LGIs. The Local Self-Governance Bill was drafted and presented to bill was approved by both Houses of Parliament.

The Local Self-Governance Act 1998 did not serve its purpose and could not deliver the goods as visualized by HLDCC. The Decentralization Implementation and Monitoring Committee (DIMC) after an intensive exercise of more than a year has prepared a modification proposal in the structure of LGIs at all the levels of ward, VDC, Municipality and DDC. But without consultation with the DIMC executive committee, the Ministry of Local Development recently submitted it to the cabinet for necessary action. The DIMC Executive Committee had recommended drastic reduction of size in terms of membership of LGIs at ward, VDC, Municipality and DDC level. The committee proposed the formation of sub-municipalities through amalgamation of VDCs in order to drastically reduce the present total number of 3,914 VDCs in the country. All the fast urbanizing VDCs termed nagar unmukh (market towns/centres) and district headquarters are to be designated as sub-municipalities. It has even recommended to eliminate ilaka level representation on the DDC board and emphasis has been placed on nomination of independent people to DDC, VDC and Municipality boards.

According to news published in one daily newspaper, the committee has proposed three members at the ward level committee including the chairman, nine members at the VDC committee consisting of the chairman, vice-chairman and seven nominated members, 11 members for the mahanagarpalika board, 9 members for the sub-mahanagarpalika board, 7 members for the municipality board, and 9 members including chairman, and vice-chairman and 7 nominated members for the DDC board.

The former DDC federation chairman and present chairman of Lalitpur DDC has already expressed his resentment at this proposed modification of the structure of LGIs and criticized it as blatant intervention in the organisation and workings of LGIs in the country. The modification proposals need to be seriously discussed by the DDC Federation, Municipality Association, VDC National Federation, political parties, academics, civil societies and related organizations. It should also be carefully analyzed and discussed prior to presentation at both Houses of Parliament.

The Local Self-Governance Bill of 1998 can be taken as an example of how difficult and time-consuming it was getting the bill approved by both Houses of Parliament. It was drafted for presentation in the 11th session of parliament but it could not be presented them because of the change of government. This bill was not approved even in the 12th or in the 13th session. It was only in the 14th session of parliament that the Local Self-Governance Bill of 1998 was finally approved. In fact, the draft bill should have been extensively analyzed and discussed. The bill reflected the legacy of the Panchayat regime and it made for the division of people on political party lines even at ward and VDC levels. The total number of VDCs is about 3,914. This required approximately 105,678 representatives to be elected for the ward and VDC committees.

The LGIs, during the last one decade, have twice undergone substantial changes in structure and functioning and the present proposal if it materializes will be the third change. This will obviously create some confusion in the workings of LGIs in the country. Obviously, there has been a feeling of instability and inconsistency in the working of the LGIs. As a consequence, it has been felt strongly by local level political leaders and intellectuals that a separate article on local government institutions should be incorporated in the Nepalese Constitution, through the normal process of constitutional amendment. In many countries village level LGIs are usually constituted on non-political party basis and elections are fought on individual basis. The Panchayat Raj in India as non-party institutions can be cited as an example in this context.

In Nepal also we should give some thought to such issues and make ward and VDC level organisations independent from the political party line. This will create harmony and a conducive atmosphere at the ward and VDC levels among rural people. The election to the municipality board and DDC could be on party basis. So it is high time we looked forward with an open mind and carefully reviewed the articles and provisions of the constitution. Prior to the presentation of such amendments to different articles of the constitution concerted effort should be made to create general consensus among the political parties. The proposed amendments should be made agreeable to all the political parties and should be properly drafted for presentation in both Houses of Parliament. In the concerned parliamentary committee, the proposed amendments need to be discussed and analyzed. At such meetings of the parliamentary committee, academics, lawyers and intellectuals are to be invited for participation in the discussion.

New scheme to save ancient idols

By Razen Manandhar

Time has changed and the technologies to conserve the ancient monuments should also undergo a worldwide change. So, many international agencies have landed in this country and each of them has taught one or another lesson to Nepali neo-conservationists. Just to name a few are those who built the inner courtyard of the Keshav Narayan Chowk at Patan and Chyasilin Mandap of Bhaktapur. Let’s learn from them.

The Department of Archaeology (DoA), the body that has been entrusted by the government to safeguard the historical monuments of this country, is launching a new project largely to save thousands of idols in the Kathmandu valley. It is just "the thousands" because the department has neither made a complete list of the existing monuments, nor of the stolen ones; so it often quotes foreign heritage experts. Well, the leader of this innovative project has a grand design in his mind to protect the monuments, which will put an end to the decades old saga of priceless idols being stolen from the valley almost every week.

Actually, devising a great plan to launch this new scheme was quite difficult. To make it happen, the enlightened officers of DoA had to travel in one or another country almost every month. They were so busy in attending seminars that they did not remember the topics and outcomes.

The unprecedented scheme will be implemented in three phases: In the first phase, all the ancient idols will be removed from the old and out-of-fashion temples. The department has recently announced a vacancy for the post of plucking officers. Only professionals will be allowed to touch the idols. It would have been better, if the temples had also been preserved, but that needs more money than it is possible for a government body where nobody can escape the Auditor General’s report. Though the authority has not yet imagined how big a warehouse they need to store those idols, the department will manage to keep all of them in its dusty godown.

In the second phase, the newly made fake idols will be reinstalled on those vacant nitches or pedestals of the temples. DoA sources said that the government was ready to spend quite a lot of money to instal fake idols for cultural monument preservation. Local craftsmen will be approached first to copy 200 to 2000 years-old idols. If they can’t install them satisfactorily, international craftsmen will be invited from across the border. If the budget does not allow the authority to have all the replicas of the idols made, they will place colour photographs instead.

The city dwellers have no sense to differentiate between the century old idols influencing the creed, sentiment and culture and the fake idols and photographs. The project manager has a premonition that devotees will love to rest their foreheads on the fake idols and photographs.

The readers might wonder where on earth are the displaced idols supposed to be kept in future. Here is the answer.

In the third phase, all the plucked-out idols will be distributed to royal palaces to make them decorative pieces. Antiques will be kept in air-tight cases of glass, with artistic looks. The cultural property that the UNESCO recognizes as symbol of the local civilization will enhance the value of such luxurious buildings where public access is almost impossible. Even if they can go, they will strictly be prohibited from performing foolish acts like worshipping and asking for blessing.

Authorities say this scheme will also prevent such valuable archaeological objects from being smuggled out.

Flush down the tube

By Jug Suraiya

When the glowing embers of autumn’s hues greet the dewy dawn, misty with the breath of winter’s promise, and in the gloaming a myriad festive lamps twinkle like fireflies caught in a traffic jam, and the gleeful cries of constellations of children pierce the gathering dusk as they attach a rocket-bomb to the tail of the neighbourhood cat and send it soaring heavenwards like a kamikaze comet, the true blue Delhiwala’s fancy lightly turns to thoughts of flush, properly pronounced flash, to rhyme with cash and also bash.

Flush is a three-card gambling game traditionally played just before the festival of Diwali. Cash bashes, or flush parties, are the seasonal speciality of Delhi right now. A fretful murmuration interrupts my reverie.

"Trio of aces beats three queens — male chauvinist pigs — three queens are one up on three jacks, that’s better. Rats! Where was I?" It’s my wife, Bunny, swotting up her aide-memorie to flush hands, brow sicklied o’er with the pale cast of thought.

The sad truth of the matter is that Bunny and I are not card players. For us ‘poker’ is something you stir a fire with, and ‘bridge’ something which you use to cross a river. Flush? Wasn’t that the thing in the loo which never works after the person who’s been to the toilet before you has come out? But as we discovered when we came to Delhi, flush is really a card game. Which is de rigueur to play at this time of year. Even if it means making copious and complicated mental notes about which cards win over which.

"We don’t have to go and play flush, you know," I point out. "They say Laxmi, goddess of wealth, won’t come calling on those who don’t play a hand or two," says Bunny.

"Well if Laxmi won’t call on us, we’ll call on Laxmi," I reply, picking up the phone book to look up the yellow pages under W for Wealth, Goddess of.

"That’s not the telephone directory," says Bunny. "That’s the stack of pending unpaid bills."

I reverentially replace the ancient sheaf, carefully rearranging the cobwebs on top. "Point taken," I reply. "Pass me that cog sheet."

Quizzing each other on a catechism of "eight nine ten licks seven eight nine, and a colour sequence is better than a flush, which beats two-of-a-kind, after which comes an ace-top, and if all you’ve got is two three five — forget it," we wend our way to the venue which turns out to be somewhat smaller and not quite as lit up as Caesar’s Palace in Las Vegas.

"That’s the biggest chandelier I’ve ever seen," I remark in the foyer.

"That’s not a chandelier, that’s our hostess in her new diamond earrings," says Bunny. About to comment on the nice curtains, I shut my mouth. They’re probably just a couple of laundered crores hung up to dry, anyway.

There are several games in progress in the room and the air is resonant with calls of "Five blind, ten seen!" "Ten blind, 20 seen!" "One blind, two seen!"

"One rupee, two rupees? That sounds more like my scene," I venture.

"I think they mean one lakh, two lakhs," suggests the hostess.

"Do they take expired Bobcards?" I ask, but she leads me to a quorum comprising the winners of a look-alike contest for the Weird Sisters scene in Macbeth.

"Variation!" cackles Weird Sister-I as I sit down to join them. She deals out two cards.

"Where’s the third?" I ask, mentally regurgitating the notes I’d mugged up.

"You’ve got to imagine it," snickers WSI, while the other WSs cachinate at the naif bumpkin who’s never before come across a two-card variation on three-card flush. The hand, and my money, pass in a blur.

"Variation!" screeches WS-2, dealing out one card.

"You’ve got to imagine the other two?" I hazard. A WS nudges me in the ribs in conspiratorial confirmation of my fears, which are soon realised.

Before WS-3 can get into the act, I grab the pack and holler "Variation!"

"Well, go on and deal then," croaks a WS.

"That’s the variation," I explain. "You’ve got to imagine all three cards."

"But where’s the kitty!" wail the WSs in unison.

"You’ll have to imagine that too," I say, getting up and turning out my empty pockets before making a beeline for Bunny and the exit, in that order.

A very happy Diwali to all you flush folk out there.