Budhathoki of Bhutan

The death of R K Budhathoki, who was fighting against the autocratic Thimphu regime, has bewildered the Bhutanese community living in exile in this country since a decade. Budhathoki was the president of the Bhutan People’s Party (BPP) for almost the same length of time. This tragedy is not only a great loss to the Bhutanese democratic movement but also a setback to the refugee repatriation process. Bhutan has opposed the BPP’s political activity ever since the refugee problem first arose. And the BPP’s main objective was to resolve that refugee problem as well as to establish democracy in Bhutan. The BPP had even pressed Nepal and Bhutan to make a time bound commitment before the Joint Verification Team (JVT) began its verification work. The BPP has been protesting against the way the verification process was taking shape. Here, the hands of the Druk regime behind Budhathoki’s killing cannot be ruled out. It could well be an attempt to sabotage the repatriation process, besides undermining the democratic movement in Bhutan.

Budhathoki left the civil service in Bhutan after serving for almost five years. He served in various capacities including at the Ministry of Finance. Budhathoki, founding president of the BPP and a man of good repute, played an important role in the Bhutanese political movement in exile. Through that political organization, he had been active in advocating the establishment of democracy in Bhutan. Perhaps, Budhathoki would not have left Bhutan, had the Druk regime not imposed its dirglamnamzha and tsawasum policy on its minority communities. Before he  formed the BPP in June 1990, he had spent some time at various tea estates in Silliguri, West Bengal. The BPP was the first Bhutanese political organization to raise its voice against the Druk regime and organize a series of political demonstrations before that regime started to forcibly evict the Lhotshampas from Bhutan. It was only in the wake of the BPP’s activities that Bhutan began the mass eviction of people of Nepali origin.

The assassination of Budhathoki must be taken seriously. It seems to be an attempt to divide the refugee community in the camps and sabotage the repatriation process itself. Budhathoki was attacked just after he had met the BPP youth wing at Damak. The man, who fled after the fatal attack, may be one of those who was opposed to the BPP’s political activity. The Nepali government must bring the culprits to book and ensure that such deeds do not occur again on Nepali soil. The BPP is the only political party that has often spoken out against the slow refugee repatriation process adopted by the Druk regime. Also, Budhathoki vehemently opposed the autocratic regime and its policies towards minority communities. He even called for a possible armed struggle against that regime, if the Druk dictator failed to abide by what the international community said. Budhathoki was no doubt a man of principle who always believed in democratic values. Let us hope his beliefs will culminate, albeit posthumously, in his dream of democracy in Bhutan.

For a wider dialogue

By Bijaya Lal Shrestha

Over half a decade has passed since the Maoists made their decision to chart their course from the tough terrain of mountains and from the jungles. In the process some 2,000 lives have already perished. They have succeeded in setting up their own government and claims to cover 20% of the land and 16% of the population. Having displayed their strength thus, they have sat around the negotiating table. The whole country is watching with keen interest and curiosity where   will it lead - success or failure.

The issues, at present, appears to be a fight between the Maoists and the government, to capture Singha Durbar, both claiming the mandate of the people. Such a claim is not unusual here and the proliferating parties are fond of outdoing each other through coalitions if not through election with their eyes on the seat of power. But the present encounter involving the Maoists has to be viewed differently because they have, as the Nepali Congress did in 2007 and 2018, taken up arms, which the constitution forbids. They cannot be brushed aside now as a gang of terrorists. The government this time must prove its sincerity to avoid death and destruction. Wisdom, therefore, lies in treating the Maoist problem as a spark in the wild - dry and dehydrated - which may destroy the whole forest with all that it contains, if not contained on time. This does not however absolve the other side of its own responsibility of safeguarding the interest of the country. If the parties lack vision, the battle may jeopardise the nation’s sovereignty and integrity. A troubled country where one kills another is always vulnerable to destruction and prone to demolition of whatever was built for about two centuries and a half.

The world today has virtually lost boundaries. National politics does not remain confined; it is open to influence. Various factors, within and without, all have their interplay in the making of any decision of importance. Nepal is even more vulnerable, sandwiched as she is between two giants with differing political systems. So, it is not only a conference between two governments. We should all be involved to influence the outcome in our favour. We should not be misled that the mentality of colonisation does not exist any more. It is very much there but in a different grab. It just waits for time and situation.

Negotiation on an issue such as this is a delicate affair calling for tact and persuasion, appreciation for each other’s positions and power, exhausting homework enabling the respective contenders to put their cases and their implications convincingly. The negotiating parties have to be realistic and flexible enough to accommodate each other in breaking the present impasse.

The government’s insistence to discuss only within the bounds of the present constitution does not appear to hold much water as the other party’s strength emanates from activities considered unconstitutional. The government should see to it that it does not wreck what has been built so assiduously. After all, it is the welfare of the people that should justify anything or any system. There are republics where people’s problems could not be addressed. Similarly, there are monarchies, where the people are provided with the best possible living conditions. In gist, it is the people around which everything should revolve. If the Maoists insist on a republic, let us find out if this is what the people desire and see if we have produced any leaders charismatic enough to preserve the bond of national unity. If they want a new constitution, let them say why the present one does not serve the people. After all this is our fourth constitution. Convincing reasons should decide change. Likewise, if they want a different form of democracy, it should be proved that the present one has failed. Let people’s will prevail. Every possible effort should be made to secure success. If success does not come overnight, failure should not necessarily follow.

At the moment, the Maoists seem to virtually dictate to the government. But it would be naivety for them not to realise that the government is most concerned not to disturb the conducive environment. The humiliating debacle of the police force, the indecisive action of the Royal Nepal Army and the emergence of their government should not blind the Maoists to the strength of their opponent. A guerrilla war does not necessarily ensure victory. While there are shining examples of astounding victories, it has its failures too. That the government has also raised its voice now is not to be taken lightly.

The 40 demands of the Maoists, with the exception of three which the Prime Minister said he would not discuss, are the usual demands for reform and amendment raised by different political parties from time to time. If Deuba remains adamant or is not permitted to discuss them, the only logical thing will then be to develop jointly a plan of action with target dates for completion in order of priority and with full assurance of their fulfilment within the agreed time frame. The Maoists should, no doubt, realise that if out of 40 demands, 37 are met, it is an outstanding achievement. In thus being able to avoid a situation of outright failure, the government will be credited with political acumen and a pragmatic approach. If violence, death and destruction are averted, it should be a satisfying situation for all of us. Further efforts can continue as long as the talks do not break down.

Witch identification commission

By Saurav Kiran Shrestha

If you are vigilant or interested enough to pay a little attention to our political activities for social reform, you may have sound knowledge that recently, both our national and local governments announced radical social reform measures within two days’ interval. It is very surprising that both governments are working in a competitive way. And it is found that the local self-government is very effective and efficient in realising their social reform measures. In contrast to the national government which announced a freeze on land sales, eradication of untouchability, women’s property rights etc, the local government has just done a feasibility study for social reform rather than merely practicing the traditional way of making announcements. Hence this should be acknowledged and we would like to recommend to the national government to learn form such an example.

The grand example is that the authorities of local self-governance plan to establish a Commission for Witch Identification and Eradication. The plan comes just after successful witch-hunting practices in Mahottari district. Based on the feasibility study, the commission is to promote and develop social reform measures. It may be surprising but good news for all the VDCs and wards of local self-governance that the president of the new Commission will be someone with good experience of witch-hunting, preferably someone who has successfully identified 13 witches among 1,500 women.

The time has now come, so be prepared, you chairmen from every VDC. You are the potential president of the highly reputed commission. How good it will be, if you all are able to participate in the Commission to find out such social maladies, ills and obstacles that hinder your village development. Being a VDC chairman, it is your responsibility and duty to assure all villagers a better life. And the way for a better life is very easy and already identified. You have just to follow it. It is not hard to bring an Indian dhami, who identifies himself as "a promising shaman". It is also not hard to collect womenfolk for the identification. And no need to say that it will also be very easy for your kind of chairmen to enjoy humiliating, dishonouring and shaming innocent women in front of the villagers.

I can anticipate that the commission will have a good scope because the government, human rights authorities and women activists are not going to oppose and interfere with its objectives and tasks. They know better about human rights and women’s rights than we ordinary people. They not feel unease over any activity of the autonomous commission because they believe it rather supports women’s empowerment and promotion of their rights. Another reason for its wide scope is that the Commission is planning to carry out such witch-hunting activities throughout Nepal. And there is no doubt that such activities for social reform will be successfully conducted and all the concern human rights institutions will be entertained by this type of social reform. So please, welcome the commission heartily for overall local development.

Nepal’s search for missing Gods

By Keshav R Jha

Last week at a symposium organised jointly by the Ministry of Culture, Tourism & Civil Aviation’s Department of Archaeology and UNESCO/Kathmandu, and supported by Nepal Tourism Board, a declaration was adopted on the Illicit Traffic in Cultural Property.

The Kathmandu declaration contains twelve points including creation of a website on the missing art objects of Nepal, establishment of special fund to recover stolen cultural property from Europe and America, and establishment of a record of ownership of Nepal’s cultural property. The declaration calls for new strategies for participation between the media, police, customs, educational institutions and civil society, and the coordination of protection, customs controls and recovery measures. If all these strategies are followed we will be on the road to a solution to this terrible threat to our culture.

Last week’s symposium was to launch a campaign against the traffic in heritage property, and to drum national and international support for the Nepalese authorities to combat the illicit traffic. Nepal has already signed the 1970 UNESCO Convention on the means of prohibiting the illicit traffic in cultural property. The Kathmandu declaration urges all countries that have not yet ratified the convention to do so at the earliest. It also calls upon the government to conclude specific bilateral, regional and sub-regional agreements to control the illicit traffic in cultural property. This provides the opportunity for Nepal to build on last year’s agreement with India to preserve each other’s heritage. In the past India has been a conduit for Nepalese art leaving the country on the way to Europe.

The symposium also saw the launch of a set of six postcards as part of the campaign. The cards depict four images stolen from Nepal; Buddhas from Deopatan and Patan, a Chaturmurti from Sankhu, and a Shiva and Parvati from Bhaktapur. To illustrate that the situation is not hopeless the postcards also illustrate two images recovered from the West; a Shiva and Parvati from Dhulikhel which was returned by Germany, and a Surya from Panauti which was returned by the USA.

The UNESCO Convention on the "Means of prohibiting and preventing the illicit import, export and transfer of ownership of cultural property" was the culmination of a long period of rising awareness. Today, the 91 states that are parties, including Nepal, agree to oppose the traffic in stolen cultural property and to the principle of restitution. They also agree to impose rules on museums and dealers to combat the trafficking. The convention’s adoption by the UNESCO General Conference in November 1970 marked a major step towards recognition that cultural property cannot be regarded as an ordinary commodity. However, the problem of trafficking remains serious, and according Interpol only 5-10% of all stolen cultural property is ever recovered. The symposium in Kathmandu discussed the legal response to this convention as well as the 1995 UNIDROIT Convention on "Stolen or Illegally Exported Cultural Objects".

These two international instruments, and various other measures, will come into use as part of the larger campaign to have stolen Nepalese are returned to the country. It will help when the countries which host most of the stolen artefacts (Germany, Japan, the United Kingdom and the United States) implement the conventions wholeheartedly. However the moral and ethical imperative is compelling enough to begin the campaign for restitution of Nepal’s heritage immediately. Indeed, the voluntary returns of sacred objects by an American collector in 1999, and a Berlin museum in 2000 are the most eloquent examples of the feasibility of the exercise. It is anticipated that the symposium will send a signal abroad to return stolen images to Nepal, and create tremendous awareness among Nepalese people to protect and preserve their heritage.

UNESCO has been working consistently on the implementation of the convention with a large number of organisations including Interpol, and the International Institute for the Unification of Private Law (UNIDROIT). UNESCO also operates a permanent body to mediate in the return of property. The 22 member Intergovernmental Committee for Promoting the Return of Cultural Property to its Countries of Origin or its Restitution in Case of Illicit Appropriation was created in 1978 and meets every two years. Incidentally, Nepal is currently a member of this committee but did not raise any issues when the committee held its 11th session in Cambodia in March this year. Nepal should be using this opportunity to take advantage of the international instruments currently available to us.

The illegal traffic in cultural property is such a cancer and evil in our country that it is only equalled by the traffic in drugs. It is a borderless network which does not shy from using any criminal action or method. International cooperation is a must. International solidarity is critical to curb the illicit trade, to develop archaeological research and to set up education programmes.

Weakness of financial and human resources in Nepal prevents us from implementing all the actions needed to stop the theft and trafficking of art objects. A case in point is the theft of the 300 year old status of King Bhupatendra Malla on Sunday night from the temple complex at Changu Narayan, only four days after the symposium. It seems that even a temple such as Changu Narayan, which is part of the Kathmandu Valley World Heritage Site, cannot be adequately protected at present.

Many of the issues concerning public awareness will be revisited when a UNESCO-funded conference on the Role of the Media in Creating Cultural Awareness takes place on October 3rd.