Commendable move

Nepal and India have several conspicuous differences. And both countries regularly hold bilateral talks to find permanent solutions to their differences. One of them is the 1751 kilometres long border which both countries have not monitored since the Peace and Friendship Treaty of 1950. Nineteen years ago, a commission led by Dr Harka Gurung had proposed that both countries monitor the open border system. Had both countries agreed to that proposal, cross-border crimes and smuggling would not have been a matter of overriding concern. Unfortunately, India refused to deploy troops along the Nepal-India border and, as a result, cross-border smuggling and crimes increased manifold. For India, it took more than five decades to realize the necessity to monitor the open border. It was only in recent months that Nepal and India have begun exchanging vital information on cross-border activities, besides planing to deploy troops along the border.

Delhi has taken a decision to deploy its Secret Service Bureau (SSB) from next week along the open border. Over seventy thousand SSB personnel will replace the Border Armed Police Force (BAPF), which the Uttar Pradesh government had deployed in 1997. Raising security concerns, India has time and again unleashed propaganda war against Nepal through its media. And many of the comments made by Indian political leaders are nothing more than figments of an infertile imagination. That India has always treated Nepal on par with Pakistan, it has not only accused Nepal of allowing ISI activities, but has also suspended regular flight services between the two countries. It has also encroached upon Nepali territory and constructed barrages across the rivers which flow through Nepal. Here, India’s ill-intention behind the timing of troop deployment along the border cannot be ruled out. Indian troops had arrested Nepali citizen Prem Bahadur Chhetri from Nepali territory some time ago. He has not yet returned home. Unfortunately, Nepal neither protested the arrest of Chhetri nor did it raise its voice against such inhumane action.

The recent visit of Indian foreign minister Jaswant Singh to Nepal, and subsequent reassurance from the Nepali side shows clearly that the latter will not allow any anti-India activity. Unlike India, Nepal has always abided by the Peace and Friendship Treaty. Delhi must have taken the decision to deploy paramilitary troops after the visit of foreign minister to Nepal. Besides, there is no provision in the 1950 treaty that the border should be kept open. In fact, it can be closed at least to monitor the movement of people and illegal activities. During the visit, Nepal stated its inability to seal the border without India’s help. And now, India has come up with a plan to deploy the troops along the border which should help prevent illegal activities. Nepal should also simultaneously assist and maintain vigilance over the movement of troops along the open border.

The third religion

By Aditya Baral

As it is widely said Nepal has three religions, Hinduism, Buddhism and Tourism. As Buddhism and Hinduism as the core religion of the Kingdom, they are immortal. But, tourism being a fragile industry, people involved in this trade are still shaky about what they are doing, even after investing a chunk of their years. In fact, other trades and industry are also greatly suffocating mainly after the past turbulence. Despite all realizing that tourism is a major economic activity, a self-sustaining smokeless industry, we should, through our concerted effort, be able to inject some immortality syndrome.

Now, the time has come to realize that the country’s rich endowments with the great diversity of culture and heritage would no longer pay us dividend. Today, what we possess is less important than how we present it. Repositioning the lost image is another gigantic task. The proliferation of diverse destinations worldwide, IT becoming more consumer friendly, the dramatic behavioural change apparent amongst consumers have all generated more paradoxes for the marketers.

In this complex world of its own, how we, as an impoverished nation, carve our niche for a survival is a big concern for all the bewildered entrepreneurs of our nation. When competition has been established as a social norm for proper delivery, the supplier has to use the economy of scale in delivering the goods or services. Particularly in tourism, delivery is possible only if the network bases of constituent bodies are effective. In order to fortify the network mechanism, one should view the lapses in retrospect in the entire echelon of the delivery system. The modus operandi today demands a short cut way in reaching the end. Hence, we should delve into the functional pyramid in order to fine tune for future efficiency.

In order to be ready for the future, some of the ways for enhancing functional efficiency are conceived as follows:

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoFA), in comparison to other ministries, is less overwhelmed with activity. Most of the time, MoCTCA and its activities are interlinked with MOFA while carrying out promotional activities under the broad spectrum of tourism diplomacy. Destination promotional programs are run collectively through mutual assistance by these two ministries. The network advantage available to MOFA would be a catapulting platform to reach to the target audience. Hence, at this conjecture, the portfolio of the Minister at the Ministry of Culture, Tourism and Civil Aviation (MOTCA) should also be tagged with MoFA, if a merger of the two ministries is not possible immediately.

In order to overcome the consumer’s behavioural complexities, permanent staff should be deputed exclusively to look after tourism affairs and stationed in tourist generating embassies. The persons entrusted with this responsibility will be in a position to learn about the consumers from the core as well run locally country specific marketing programs besides relaying the national programs. This will enable us to garner first hand information about the focused market and deepen our marketing strategies. If one recalls the bitter experience of the satellite media blitzkrieg concocted to tarnish the pristine image of Nepal in our crisis days, it is apparent direct marketing would be the most effective tool to counter with.

When most of our embassies are accommodating officers from the army and police, it does not need any rationale to depute permanent tourism staff to consistently disseminate and assemble required first hand information relevant to tourism. Of course proper check and balance mechanism has to be worked out for long-term sustainability.

It is accepted by all that our economic diplomacy is running agenda-less due to the series of problems of the past. The perennial resource crunch has prevented us from competing with the abundance of emerging destinations in our backyard. The celebration of 2002-3 as Destination Nepal Year is the one of the ideas for restoring and repositioning Nepal as an exotic Destination on the world tourism map. The implication carried by this simple message to the international community would be precious in terms of the low morale apparent among our entrepreneurs. The government’s strong will, if followed with corresponding zeal, would certainly have wide ranging ramifications in achieving the desired result. At least it will consolidate the bond of friendship between public-private stakeholders. The persistent wedge apparent in the working modality of the government and private parties would also be redressed to some extent. A true partnership approach in formulation policies and chalking out strategies would also be reflected as an outcome of a coordinated approach. Hence, MOFA, with its Embassies in major cities and continents, should initiate a plan, may be as a trial initially, which invokes the fundamental values of economic diplomacy.

The merger of two portfolios into the hands of one would provide some leverage in healing the woes of Royal Nepal Airlines. Meeting the objective of establishing Nepal as a safe, secure and enchanting destination should be one of the premier agenda items of our diplomacy, which has directly and indirectly been realized by all. Budget spent at various unrequired places would also be saved. The proper channelling of funds for the noble cause of national promotion would bring a cascading effect in repositioning a positive image.

Time has proved that the role of the national carrier is vital for preserving the image of the country. No matter whether the carrier is private or state run. To take the example of Sri Lanka, the addition of a fleet of airplanes by their national airline has obviously helped them to culminate arrival figures near to their expectations, despite their deep seated more than a decade old insurgency problem. Likewise, our national carrier should emphasize at least initially short haul operations for gaining loyalty. We should be focused on improving the quality of our product in order to withstand the stiff competition that globalization demands. Global business today needs alliances. We have seen the problems caused by mounting costs and falling yields that continue to threaten bottom lines. Today, the prospective tourist prefers to see products of quality, diversity and safety.

So, let us bring a tectonic shift in our mindset, formulate a guerrilla marketing strategy, define the areas of our niche competitive strength and march collectively ahead.

Where emotions die

By Bhaskar Sharma

Have you ever seen a live accident? I have. The other day, as I was waiting for a SAFA tempo at Jawalakhel, I saw a man falling down from a three-storied building and landing on the concrete pavement below. That’s not all, on his way down, he had a brush with high-voltage electric wires, and there I could see even sparks of fire. Imagine how seriously the man might have got hurt. It was only after a few seconds I got back to my senses and ran towards the man, jumping out of the tempo.

Many people were walking on the pavement. And by the time I reached the scene, they had already stopped walking and watching him from a distance. I found that he was badly injured. I simply picked him up, crossed the road, put him in a taxi and zoomed off to Patan hospital. The man was lucky - he escaped death. Doctors thanked me, and I felt immensely happy for saving a life.

But what later struck me was the manner in which I reacted. Everything I did to that man was simply spontaneous. After I saw the accident, I never questioned myself, even for a second, whether I should do the needful. I was just guided by my instinct. Everything happened in a few seconds. But what was really shocking was the manner in which other pedestrians and commuters reacted to the incident. Though they were numerous people walking past the injured man, not a single person stepped forward to help him. They were just watching and watching, not doing anything. Even when I had difficulty in lifting the man, no one helped me. Again, they kept on watching. It was only after I asked one of the onlookers for help that he came forward and put the man on my shoulders.

The incident has raised a serious question in my mind. Why do people tend to be indifferent at such crucial times that call for humanitarian values? After all, such accidents may occur anywhere and play havoc with anybody's life. Perhaps, many failed to understand this chilling possibility. The spectators might have narrated the accident in details to their kith and kind or friends, who wondering over the fate of the injured. I bet only a few might have imagined and put themselves in the place of
that unlucky man.

I believe it is the lack of awareness amongst the people that prevents us from helping instantaneously such injured people. And here I am only generalising. There are also some good-hearted people who do prove helpful in such unforeseen circumstances. However, most people are not prepared for such situations, and hence delay in responding. For this, training and awareness are needed. If first-aid courses are included in school curriculum, many will benefit. If the injured people do not receive medical treatment on time, they may die.

Land reforms and peace talks

By Surendra Phuyal

Soon after Sher Bahadur Deuba, who has the blessings of Nepali Congress veteran Krishna Prasad Bhattarai, assumed the high office for the second time in his career, he announced ceasefire and appealed the underground Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) to do the same. The rebels reciprocated, and hence the lingering peace in the Himalayan Kingdom after six years of turmoil, mayhem and violence. No sooner had the preparations for the much-awaited talks started getting underway, Deuba took another big step: In a nationally televised address on the afternoon of August 17, he announced an immediate ban on land transactions, assured subsequent radical land reform programme, and vowed to take other socio-economic reform measures such as passing the women’s property rights bill, forming separate commissions to look into the issues of Dalits and women, among others.

Even as Nepal’s 23.2 million people (Census 2001) and the world community - which is keenly following the developments in the Himalayan Kingdom - prepare to embrace another autumn, things do not look that smooth. Given the political uncertainty, especially the government-Maoist dialogue front, the road ahead appears tougher. The big question is: Where are Nepalis heading with the two sides sticking to their long-held positions? Will the government and the Maoists maintain flexibility, as they have promised, and end the cycle of violence that has already claimed the lives of over 1,800 innocent Nepalis ? The fruit of the socio-economic reforms will reach the needy people at the grassroots who live in far-flung villages away from the hustle and bustle of the capital city, if only there is a peaceful solution to the insurgency. Or else, the country, already on the brink of civil war, will be pushed towards violence of alarming proportions. And that will produce bloodbath and threaten our sovereignty.

While Deuba’s ceasefire announcement has resulted in both sides—the government and the Maoist rebels—sitting for dialogues across the negotiating table for the first time in the nearly six year history of the "people’s war", the land sales freeze move and the proposed land reform programme has people across the hills and plains rushing to the nearby courts to file cases seeking property share, divorce and so on. By the end of August, the number of court cases filed at the Saptari District Court had crossed 1,100 (Kantipur daily), and the situation in other Terai districts was more or less similar. Kathmandu too was reeling under the phenomenon of fake lawsuits: Over 100 cases were filed in August, which also included a case against Shailaja Acharya, the maverick leader of the ruling Nepali Congress party. The former Deputy Prime Minister Ram Chandra Poudel, however, came up with another suggestion: That the government put a cap on the accumulating wealth of the country’s "nauveaux-riches", including the post-1990 ministers and bureaucrats, among others.

The left parties, including the main opposition CPN-UML, was quick to welcome, and support the idea. The proposal to announce a ceiling on property, that came close on the heels of Deuba’s impromptu land sales freeze and subsequent reform preparations have done much harm than good in the country, if the current state of public confusion and unrest is anything to go by. Kathmandu, Biratnagar, Birgunj and other cities are rife with rumours that the government, in its bid to receive kudos from the left parties mainly the Maoists, is working to put a cap on the wealth as suggested by Acharya, and top businessmen and other well-off citizens are reportedly sending their savings away to India and other foreign country-based banks. Last week saw the country’s key business hubs—Kathmandu, Biratnagar, Birgunj and other towns—yearning for more gold as key gold dealers started running out of stock. But whether the Deuba government will put such a cap on the ever increasing wealth is a different story altogether.

On Aug 30, just as the representatives of the government and the Maoist familiarized themselves at a posh resort in scenic Godavari village, south of the capital city, and hammered out an "agreement to meet again" (TKP Aug 31), the Nepali Congress Committee formed to recommend land ceiling to the government submitted its report. The party’s Central Working Committee quickly endorsed the proposal, but ironically the recommendation Committee’s key figures, Ram Chandra Poudel and Pradip Giri signed a note of dissent against the land-holding ceiling for Terai, the southern plains adjoining India. And now, the government has incorporated the Committee recommendations in its draft law brought to amend the Land Reforms Act 2021 BS. The Bill provisions for the residents of Kathmandu Valley to own a maximum of 30 ropanis—25 ropanis for farming and 5 ropanis for housing—of land (1 ropani equals to 0.05185 hectres).

Similarly, the residents of the Terai can own a maximum of 11 bigahas of land—10 bigahas for farming and 1 bigaha (0.677266 hectres) for housing, while those in the high hills can own a maximum of 75 ropanis of land—70 ropanis for farming and 5 ropanis for housing. Prior to this, the Kathmandu Valley residents could own as much as 58 ropanis, Terai residents 28 bigahas and the inhabitants of the hilly 96 ropanis of land, including housing and farming land. Though Deuba’s socio-economic reform announcement evoked a positive response from the main opposition CPN-UML in the beginning, the same is suffering a backlash at present. The same UML leaders who went on to take out a rally in the capital city to welcome the announcement are now up in arms against the Land Reforms Bill, and are filing a proposal against it at parliament early this week. The Nepal Workers and Peasants Party has dubbed it a capitalist land reform approach, and other left parties also speak in a similar language. The Maoists, who appear to be quite thick on the ground these days, are closely watching and following political development in the face of the forthcoming second round of talks and the September 21 showdown in the capital.

The CPN-UML is mainly concerned that there will be very little land left to distribute to the one-million-odd landless farmers after the land ceiling is fixed at 11 bighas per family in Terai—the rice basket of Nepal. They want their comrade Badal’s 1994 land reforms report, which fixed the ceiling at 4.5 bighas in Terai, to be implemented instead of the one, currently under discussion at the House of Representatives. The land reform amendment Bill is unlikely to sail through the parliament that easily, and even if it does, there will be very little land left to distribute to the poor. Add to that the customary bureaucratic hassles and red tape that the poor will have to confront with, once the land reform programme kicks off. Whatever the outcome, Deuba’s socio-economic reforms announcement is a calculated move aimed at stealing the show both from moderate and extreme leftists. He should be able to make the hay while the sun shines. And his predecessors like Girijababu and colleagues at the opposition bench should not capitalize on the pitfalls of the land reform programme, but help him take it to a logical end.