Framework for national security council

By MADHUKAR SJB RANA

Changes to the constitution are probable as negotiations between the King, political parties and
Maoists proceed to end the long-drawn insurgency and terrorism. A vital institution that went amiss in the 1990 Constitution was the establishment of a National Security Council (NSC) as an integral part of the body politic, constitutionally enshrined with a clear-cut mandate as to its nature, scope and powers.

Purpose: The establishment of a NSC is to preserve the territorial integrity, sovereignty, independence of the nation; promote national interest, national unity; and safeguard the sanctity of the national constitution though non-partisan debate, discourse and dialogue openly arrived at so as to garner national consensus on all security issues.

In times of normality it reviews the current status of national security and alerts HMG on policy issues, needs and priorities. During times of political, economic, social or environmental crises and emergencies it aims to alert citizens on the gravity of the situation and propose avenues for the maintenance of peace, security, law and order by HMG.

Rationale: The rationale for its creation is to strengthen the state to deal with the diverse threats, from within and without its frontiers, while creating a conducive strategic environment for maximizing the devolution of political, economic and social responsibilities to the local communities in order to foster maximum grassroots’ participation by all ethnic groups and individuals.

Its other rationale is to seek a national consensus on the declaration of national emergency as well as for the deployment of the armed forces for internal and external security operations so as to protect the armed forces from the demoralizing and divisive impact of divided political opinions.

Goals: 1. Ensure that an effective, efficient and a well-coordinated command, control and communication structure, systems and processes are in place to combat external aggression and prevent interference in the affairs of the nation.

2. Empower the state from threats to its constitutional legitimacy from civil wars, insurgency, terrorism and breakdown of law and order through the joint deliberation by the core institutions of monarchy, prime minister, legislature, political parties, bureaucracy, security agencies, and civil society.

3. Identify short, medium and long-run threats to Nepal’s security and national interests and develop appropriate strategies based on sound, scientific research and analysis subject to open public scrutiny.

4. Monitor, review and evaluate annually the current state of national security and propose appropriate measures in the context of the emergent national, regional and global security issues and concepts.

5. Make known to the people the status of national security policy and address needs for its changes in order to facilitate effective nationwide discussion on security and foreign affairs so as to provide effective feedback to HMG.

Composition and functions: The NSC should be a constitutional organ functioning in the nature of King-in-Council. The King serves as Chairman, Crown Prince as Vice Chairman and Prime Minister as Alternate Vice Chairman.

Other Members of the Executive Council be comprised of: Speaker; Upper House Chairman; Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs and National Security, Leaders of all Parties-in-Parliament; Chief Secretary, Chief of Army Staff, Inspector Generals of Police and Armed Police, five eminent independent experts nominated by the King serving as National Security Advisors (political, economic, social, environmental and gender). A Secretary-General serves as Member-Secretary and CEO of the NSC Secretariat with no voting rights in the Council.

NSC meetings shall be inaugurated by the King when the Prime Minister, on behalf of HMG, presents the annual report entitled ‘National Security Problems, Needs and Issues’. Following plenary discussions, participation should be in sub-committees, as necessary, led by each of the related national security advisor. Further sub-committee level discussions shall be centred on security themes as decided by the King in consultation with the Vice Chairman and Alternate Chairman. The Closing Address by the King provides directions for future research and deliberations on current, short-term, mid-term and long-term needs and perspectives.

The NSC’s semi-annual meeting shall be convened by the Crown Prince solely to monitor and review the six reports of the key security agencies namely from the Home Secretary, Defence Secretary, Foreign Secretary, Chief of Army Staff, and Inspector Generals of Police. Based on the deliberations the Secretary-General shall forward to HMG, through the Chief Secretary, its overview and recommendations. It is expected that every agency of central and local government shall have a security unit to submit monthly reports to the Chief Secretary for coordination.

The Chief Secretary shall be responsible for the writing and dissemination of the Annual State of National Security prepared in consultation with the secretaries of all the ministries. The Home Ministry shall coordinate with the security units of the civil services on a day-to-day basis and assist the Chief Secretary in his security communication duties.

The NSC Secretariat is a body that is independent of the executive arm of government. Scholars not affiliated to political parties are drawn from amongst judges, lawyers, diplomats, administrators, academicians, media and retired security personnel to map out, monitor and anticipate threats arising from such parameters as for example: the faults of our history; geo-economic and geo-political forces; unemployment and migration; inequality and inequity; exclusion and alienation; violence — political, economic and social; role of foreign intelligence agencies and foreign finance; nexus between parties and the business and electoral mafia; impact of natural disasters; lessons drawn from actual crisis management interventions by the government etc. Last, but not least, the NSC Secretariat needs to have the expertise to do sophisticated futures’ studies to identify diverse constraints, conflicts and opportunity scenarios for consideration of appropriate short-term, medium-term and long-term strategies and to evolve guiding principles and concepts. It needs to be manned with highly qualified people of integrity, who are well paid and well trained in security affairs.

A NSC Executive Committee shall be created with the Chief National Security Adviser as Chairperson and having the rank of Minister while serving as permanent invitee to all cabinet meetings. The four other National Security Advisers, with the status of Deputy Ministers, shall be full time members of the NSC Executive Committee. Their terms of appointment shall be for four years for a maximum of eight years. They may be recommended for removal by the Parliament. No age bar should apply for national security advisors.

The Secretariat should be established to undertake research and analysis of security issues continuously around the chosen themes. Many of the research studies could be contracted to experts in national and international security think-tank institutions. Each of the functional advisors on the NSC should be responsible to lead the research studies and to make presentations to the NSC as and when placed on the agenda for national deliberations.

The NSC Executive Committee may be advised by an Advisory Council drawn up with international experts and national security experts nominated by the national political parties and independent security think-tanks.

Powers: The NSC’s powers shall be constitutionally promulgated and subject to 3/4th majority vote in Parliament for its authority to be changed. To guarantee financial autonomy its budget shall be voted for three years by parliament and sanctioned by the Ministry of Finance subject to HMG’s usual auditing procedures. Its organization structure and staffing patterns shall be as laid down by itself and its employment policies and procedures shall be as approved by the Public Service Commission. A Joint Parliamentary Select Committee on National Security Affairs shall publicly review its functioning and seeks its full accountability to the elected representatives of the people.

Conclusion: A NSC will permit Nepal to be a strong ‘unitary state with federal features’ to give full rein to pluralism and diversity the fullest extent possible in order to maximize social inclusion of all ethnic groups and local communities for an effective, dynamic system of participatory democracy with social justice. A weak state cannot sustain democracy, development, devolution, decentralisation, and deregulation.

The proposed NSC is a supra-structure that is not meant to erode the authority of the executive ministries but rather to complement and supplement their endeavours to better communicate and coordinate their tasks in tune with the broad national security perspective to safeguard national interest, civil liberties and human rights. Its strength and ingenuity lies in spotting trouble spots, locating loopholes in present laws, institutions, and sector policies by providing a futuristic, holistic perspective on national security and interest.

The NSC is a specialist national think-tank that warns, alerts, indicates, predicts threats and vulnerabilities and seeks national consensus of how to deal with all manner of threats firmly grounded on collective analyses, deliberations and dialogue amongst all the national political actors, including civil society. The existing National Defence Council (NDC) appears like the proposed NSC; it is not. At the moment the NDC is an executive arm of HMG serving the vital need for communication and co-ordination between inter-security agencies based on tactical military operations and, of course, intelligence.

Walking an extra mile

By SUBAS RISAL

The curious crowd gathered around the entrance of one of the plush hotels in town. "What happened, what happened?" People were shouting. The man was lying unconscious in the hotel’s portico, just next to where a couple of swanky cars stood. I was among the crowd who was trying to get a glimpse of a seemingly malnutritioned man.

The man who happened to lay unconscious was a sweeper and it seemed that nobody was willing to offer a hand to wake him up. As a responsible citizen, I brought water from the hotel and sprinkled on the face of the motionless body. A glass of water, which was given to me reluctantly, did not work.

All of a sudden, from the crowd a rabidly communal man known to me hollered, "Being a Brahmin you are trying to help the sweeper," I was terribly shocked and could not reply for a moment. "I am just trying to help," I politely replied. He even tried to stop me. Moreover, the crowd was coaxing that communal man to yell at me. It was all happening. Anyway, I managed to slip through the melee and took the unconscious man into a taxi. I had to take him to a nearby hospital. I carried him but I saw no one offering a hand.

I later on discovered that man’s name was Ram Lal. On my way to the hospital, the smell of country liquor from Ram Lal’s mouth permeated the taxi. Perhaps, after a couple of swigs of homemade liquor he feels much better. Perhaps, the liquor is readily available. Perhaps, it is much cheaper than Dal Bhat.

While entering the hospital, people stared at me for carrying a man with torn clothes. Brushing aside those stares, I went directly to the emergency department. I had to answer a few questions to the doctor. Fortunately, the doctor was kind enough to treat him free of cost. Ram Lal regained his consciousness. According to the doctor who treated him, "If you had been little bit late, Ram Lal would have died."

"Why should I walk an extra mile to help?" This is how Kathmanduites think. Doesn’t the incident reflect this particular mindset? I was just trying to help one human being who was eking out his living by sweeping.

Come on man! We are living in the twenty first century. What’s wrong with you? The man needs help and you are leaving him there to die. Does your conscience allow it?

We need sweepers, don’t we? Who would pick up our garbage, if there were no sweepers? Why such attitude? Though being a rank stranger, I did manage to save "one" Ram lal’s life. But, what about thousands of other unconscious Ram Lals" across the capital?

Kickstopping the economy

By JUG SURAIYA

The finance minister and the other munimjis who for the past two years and more have been trying to kickstart the country’s economy with little success should take a tip from the National Media Centre, the housing colony near Delhi where I live and which represents India in microcosm. Instead of attempting to kickstart its economy, the NMC very sensibly put the cart before the horse and kickstopped things into action, thereby providing a valuable pointer to North Block.

How do you kickstop things? Simple. By increasing rather than decreasing obstacles to impede forward motion, the great bane and bugbear of the Indian polity whose innate propensity for reverse gear tends to get subverted by the seductive and specious blandishments of liberalisation, reforms and other dangerous delusions of progress.

In the NMC this delusion took the form of a handful of motorists, both resident and visiting, who persisted in perceiving the colony’s peripheral ring road — used by strolling couples, perambulatory infants, teenagers playing basketball, pet dogs in search of a lamp post — as the last lap of the Indianapolis 1000 or the chariot scene in Ben Hur. After a child was knocked off his cycle by a speeding vehicle and a couple of the perambulating infants narrowly escaped being turned into ketchup, the managing committee, of which I am a non-functioning member, decided to do something about it. A circular letter was sent around urging motorists to maintain the colony speed limit of 15 kmph and not to blow their horns; roads signs to the same effect were prominently displayed. What a hoot. Everyone knows that circular letters are dakshina for raddiwallas, and that it is only the testosterone-challenged who take any notice of road signs. The speedsters speeded up even more. Who did this committee think it was? The son of a dipty c’llector?

The committee met again. Someone suggested putting flowerpots on the roads in a wiggle-woggle arrangement to slow down traffic. Whee. The speedsters had a field day. Now apart from kids on cycles and babies in prams they had other targets; stationary flower pots they could smash through at will. Oh boy. This was more fun than video game parlours.

The committee met for a third time. It was decided to set up speedbreakers. But speedbreakers cost money, and the NMC’s coffers were virtually empty except for a spider which had assumed tenancy rights in one corner. After much debate the spider was temporarily dislodged and the requisite funds were scraped out. A contractor was summoned. How much will each speedbreaker cost? The committee asked him. In answer, the contractor inserted his index finger in his right nostril in which he seemed to keep his digital calculator. Having probed the orifice thoroughly he inspected the results of the excavation on his finger and quoted Rs 3,200. Rs 3,200? We want speedbreakers, not Great Wall of China replicas, said the committee.

The contractor tried his left nostril. 1,200? he asked. Try again, said the committee. The contractor switched to his right ear hole. 800 — and that’s final, he said. Done, said the committee.

The speedbreakers are up, all 14 of them. They look like migratory offshoots of the nearby Aravali range and are perfect examples of how to kickstop the economy. First, the contractor made his whack of Rs 11,200. But this is only the tip of the iceberg, or of the speedbreaker. The speedbreakers are designed to break more than just speed, and their trickle-down benefits should soon be obvious. Motor mechanics in the area are already looking forward to business picking up by way of the replacement of broken seat springs, shock absorbers and axles when vehicles trying to catch up on lost speed between speedbreakers go too fast over the next breaker and come crashing down on the other side. Doctors and hospitals will also be kept busy treating motorists with fractured tailbones, slipped discs and heads banged against car roofs. Add to this pedestrians, specially the elderly and infirm, who trip over the speedbreakers and break their legs. Not to mention the scooterist who after a particularly nasty bump suddenly shrieks falsetto.

Lawyers too will be busy as never before, as everyone sues everyone else for damages; the motorists will sue the committee, the committee will sue the contractor, the contractor will sue the material supplier, and the falsetto scooterist will sue the lot. And if that isn’t enough of a kickstop to the economy, I can always send my bill for consultancy fees to Jaswantji. With the suggestion that for the best results he send the cheque by speedpost. Watching out for the bumps, of course.

Bailing the economy out

PREM KHANAL

The seven-year long violence and series of political instability has started washing out the economic prospects of the country. The latest government data on the state of economy paints a gloomy picture, as the last year’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) crash landed to an all time negative in two decades. The GDP debacle, which is the first in the post liberal economy era, has come at a time when Northern and South Asian neighbours are enjoying a healthy and steady economic expansion. The negative growth rate is a clear warning that the economic slowdown, which started about two years back, is dangerously deepening and the economy is almost in a full-fledged recession.

In the past also the country had experienced negative growths, at least twice since 1974/75, and a decline in agricultural production used to be the main reason for such slump. And, in several cases, the healthy expansion of non-agriculture sector used to anchor the aggregate GDP figure to remain positive notwithstanding the negative growth rate of agriculture sector. But, this time, despite a moderate growth in the agriculture sector, the heavy tumble in non-agricultural sector, particularly in the manufacturing and tourism sectors dragged down the GDP to register a negative growth rate.

However, agriculture production data issued by the government is also not much convincing, as the ministry of agriculture had earlier said that the agro-production tumbled during the last fiscal year. The ministry had blamed an unfavourable weather condition and inability to distribute improved seed and to extend of other services due to security reasons for the slump in production.

In addition, the escalating Maoist violence and consequences and migration of a large number of people seeking security has been affecting the agriculture production since last two years. And, as a result, large chunks of fertile land has been left barren due to shortage of manpower as thousands of local work force have been forced to flee their homes, particularly in the hills. Also, frail security condition has been limiting the marketing as well as commercialisation of agriculture products.

The slump in the tourism and manufacturing sector, the major labour intensive industries of the country, is another most serious challenge of the economy. These are only a few sectors, which have the capability to absorb huge existing unproductive manpower in the agriculture sector. All successive governments have pursued the policy of shifting huge unproductive agricultural force to the non-agriculture sector so that the heavy dependency in agriculture for livelihood and agriculture-based poverty can be reduced.

However, the slump in the non-agriculture sector has posed a challenge as a huge labour force, which, as per the policy, was absorbed in the non-agricultural sector during its rapid expansion in the 90s, has been thrown out from the sector. The downturn in the manufacturing and tourism sectors has further pushed up unemployment and worsened the country’s poverty situation, which is the root-cause of the Maoist problems.

A possible squeeze in the healthy foreign currency reserve is another challenge posed by the slump in the non-agriculture sector, particularly manufacturing and tourism. As a major chunk of the nation’s foreign currency is earned by these sectors, the foreign currency reserve crucial to finance almost the entire imports and development activities, could deplete.

The most worrisome thing at the moment is, the economy has shown no signs of improvement. In fact the economy has plunged into a vicious circle of low productivity. The flagging business and investors’ confidence, which is an all time low in the post democracy era, along with the slipping demand of loan investments from the financial institutions, indicates that a quick recovery of the economy is a distant dream. Similarly, dwindling consumption, mainly daily-consumer goods, has compelled the existing industries to run in under-capacity on the one hand, while on the other, it is distracting new investment, especially in the non-agriculture sector.

But, the situation this time is little bit encouraging in the sense that agriculture production has been at least positive, indicating that an average Nepali farm’s income has not dwindled. This has definitely put a positive impact on the demand of goods and services and that could at least prevent the industrial and service sectors from a possible meltdown for some time.

But, most crucial factor is, it is the price of the agricultural products in the market, not the volume of production, that determines income of Nepali farmers. But, as long as the highly subsidised Indian farm products continue to enter Nepal without any visible obstruction, it is meaningless to think that the Nepali farmers would get a handsome income from their agro-production leading to a high demand of products of non-agriculture sector.

The government has a very little choice to address the situation. Through the government has brought a number of programmes aimed at reviving the economy lately, it can bring no positive impact as long as internal security situation remains frail. In the present situation, the government neither can persuade investors to make investments nor it can ensure the security of incoming tourists. The only solution of the problem is to bring the Maoists to the negotiating table to initiate a peaceful dialogue. And it is the only way to create a conducive environment for economic revival.

Arbitrary arrest and detention

According to official figures released in August 2002, 9,900 "Maoists" had been arrested, of whom 1,722 remained in custody.

Most arrests and initial period of detentions take place outside any legal framework, especially when suspects are held in army custody. The army denies holding detainees beyond the legally permitted period of 24 hours specified in the Army Act. However, there is overwhelming evidence of people being held for long periods incommunicado in army barracks.

Those who are transferred to police custody or prison are given a detention order under the TADA or, exceptionally, are charged under other legislation such as the Arms and Ammunition Act. Under Section 9 and 12 of the TADA respectively, people can be held in preventive detention for up to 90 days and in detention for the purpose of investigation for 60 days. However, at the time of writing, hundreds of suspected Maoists have spent more than one year in detention without being taken to court.

Chief District Officers (CDOs), the highest government servant at district level, under Section 9 of the TADA can issue preventive detention orders when "there exist appropriate grounds to believe that a person has to be stopped from doing anything that may cause a terrorist and destructive act" "at a place suitable for human beings". This wording suggests that CDOs need to scrutinize the issuing of each detention order and specify where someone is to be detained. However, according to lawyers, many CDOs have issued the police with blank detention orders signed in advance. In other words, the security forces have been given a free hand to decide who has to be detained.

The practice of prolonged detention without being taken to court is not new in Nepal. Before the TADA was introduced, many Maoist suspects were arrested and detained in similar way under the Public Security Act (PSA). It would appear that the security forces are now using a loophole in the TADA to repeatedly issue new detention orders, even if the maximum detention periods of 90 or 60 days’ detention as specified in the Act have expired.

Diwakar Adhikari, a 15-year-old student, arrested on 19 December 2001 from his classroom at Sangla, Kathmandu, has been held under the TADA ever since. After an initial period of 47 days’ detention at Balaju army camp, he was transferred to prison under a preventive detention order. Each time the 90 days’ order has been due to run out, he has been transferred to Hanuman Dhoka police station in Kathmandu where a new detention order has been issued.

Similarly, Tulasi Amgain, a tour operator arrested under the TADA on 25 November 2001, remains in preventive detention at Kathmandu Central prison. In April, August and November 2002, he was transferred to the Hanuman Dhoka police station at the time the 90 days’ detention order was due to expire. A new detention order was issued, after which he was transferred back to the prison. To Amnesty International’s knowledge, he has never been produced before a court of law.

According to Section 15 of the TADA, people arrested under the Act are to be tried under the Special Court Act, 1974. As of September 2002, only two Special Courts (at Kathmandu and Mahendranagar) were known to have been constituted. However, very few cases had been brought before them by the authorities. All this has resulted in the justice system itself being cause for violation of the right to be tried within a reasonable time as provided for in Article 9(3) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights to which Nepal is a party.

Under Section 13(5) of the TADA, Coordinating Committees were set up at the regional or district level to coordinate the activities of the army, APF, police and the National Investigation Department and other necessary governmental agencies "to check or control terrorist and destructive acts" within the areas under their control. These Coordinating Committees chaired by Regional Administrators or CDOs are self-regulating. It is clear that they play a key role at the district level to the extent that they decide on who should be arrested, detained or released. Amnesty International learned of prisoners being produced while blindfolded before the Coordinating Committee in Kailali district and being interrogated without the presence of a lawyer, without being able to prepare their defence or avail themselves of any other fair trial safeguards set out in international law. Several prisoners were released after they were able to nominate members of mainstream political parties that could stand surety for them.

According to Clause 13 (1) anyone who feels aggrieved at the actions taken under TADA can appeal to a monitoring committee under the chairmanship of a retired Supreme Court judge. The Committee, which only has advisory powers, after investigation, can advise the relevant authorities to redress any wrongs and make suggestions to the government for ways to address the problem. However, as of the time of writing, no such monitoring committee had been set up.

With the introduction of Coordinating Committees, largely bypassing, if not substituting the normal judicial system, the absence of any monitoring mechanism under the TADA, the delay in the establishment of Special Courts to hear cases under the TADA, there are no effective checks and balances to the powers exercised by the security forces under the Act. Combined with a largely ineffective habeas corpus mechanism, it is clear that impunity for human rights violations which has been a longstanding practice in relation to torture, "disappearances" and unlawful killings has now been extended to arrests and detention.

(This article is based on Amnesty International’s country report, 2002)

To be concluded

Children without a destination

BHUMIKA BHUTIA

Small and swift vehicles plying on the streets of Kathmandu as a means of public transportation have made life easier for commuters. Microbuses, Safa tempos and mini buses pick up passengers in minutes and take them to their destinations at a reasonable fare.

Most of us get into a public transportation and depart after paying the khalasi (bus conductor), who usually happens to be a child, but have we ever looked back and thought seriously about their life style?

When viewed from a close angle these khalasi children reflect the evils of child exploitation and rampant poverty that has taken the lower class under its grip. Behind their smiles, are hidden untold tales of failures and frustrations.

Most of these khalasis have come to Kathmandu from remote areas of Nepal. Poverty and the difficult life in the villages have driven them to the cities in search of a better life. There are also those who have discontinued their education due to their parents’ misguided expectation of their children’s earnings.

Bipu Parajuli, 11, of Kavrepalanchowk sharing his tale of a short journey thorough life says, "After having failed in class three, I came to Kathmandu three years ago Initially I used to work in a micro bus but now I work for this Safa tempo (No. Ba-1-Ha-4798). He further informs that he earns around Rs 50 per day, which he mostly spends on eating good, delicious food. The owner of the tempo provides him shelter during the night. Bipu does not keep an account of the money that he earns and is also not sure what his future has in store for him. His family members comprise of his parents and a younger sister who do not bother about him much and are not happy when he visits them at times, and Bipu too does not miss them.

Ganesh Budhathoki, 12, of Lagankhel has a similar story to narrate. "I am not sure till when I will work as a khalasi in this tempo, but I want to be a guruji (driver) very soon, " he says. .Ganesh lives with his parents in a small rented house and since he is the only earning member in his family, life is hard for him and his family. Everyday Ganesh hands Rs 60 –70, his entire earning, to his mother, without spending a penny himself.

The lives of these two kids Ganesh and Bipu and the situation they find themselves in, reflect social injustice and an ineffective education system prevalent in our country. Like Bipu and Ganesh, there are thousands of children toiling in an adult world, when their appropriate place is in schools .

Another victim of poverty is Vijaya Thapa, 14, of Bhaktapur, Tathali . Vijaya, a conductor of tempo number Ba-1-Ha-4010 says proudly, "I know all about mending and denting vehicles because before this job I was working at a garage at Mitra Park. I used to earn Rs 3000 per month." When asked why he chose to become a khalasi, Vijaya lowers his head and answers in a low voice, "I was studying at Shree Bilas Shiksha Sadan Bhaktapur and I failed in class four. I could not go back to school so I started to work in a garage but the work there was very tough and I joined a local eatery as a helper." Vijaya relates experience of his short stay at the eatery thus: "I was not given food to eat at proper meal times and all of us got to eat only our dinner. Besides the owner of the hotel did not pay me for my work, so I left the eatery too."

Whatever Vijaya earns he plans to save it for the treatment of his mother who is a heart patient.

Khalasi as a profession has become popular among uneducated and unemployed youths besides children from poor families. Kedar Timilsina, a young man in his late 20s from Biratnagar says that he has been a khalasi for the last 10 years and whatever he earns is enough for him to maintain his family. He further adds that back in the village he has land for agriculture but the earning from that land will not be enough for his livelihood as he has to share it with his younger brother.

The lives of these khalasis are spent looking after their respective vehicles or earning bowls. Almost all the khalasis aim to be a guruji (driver) like Kedar.

Faced with many difficulties, these people have never known the joys of life. They tend to live one day at a time. Their day starts at the vehicle and ends at it. There is no social life for them and those who have friends also come from the same community.

This kind of child exploitation, obvious to all, is a challenge to the government and non-governmental organizations who claim to be working for the welfare of the children. It is indeed a sad realization that those who help us to reach our respective destinations are without a destination themselves.