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Kathmandu Saturday February 23, 2002 Falgun 11, 2058.
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Proof of the pudding
The government has been able to extend the state
of emergency by another three months chiefly due to the horse trading that went on behind
the scenes with the main opposition party, the United Marxist-Leninists (UML). The
extension of the state of emergency took place by an overwhelming majority - the seven nay
votes all came from minor parties perceived to be more leftist than the UML. It is a sad
commentary on the state of Nepalese politics that the emergency could be extended only
after striking a deal with the main opposition. No one can have any reservations about the
conditions put forth by UML General Secretary Madhav Kumar Nepal in the course of the
debate on emergency extension. Good governance must be in place, the weaker sections of
society including women, the downtrodden classes and low castes must be empowered and
corruption should be dealt with more effectively, with the severest punishment possible.
Also none will doubt the need to make our elections truly impartial, for which a neutral,
not an all-party, government must be in place whenever parliamentary elections are held.
We have also been championing the prime ministerial prerogatives. Yet what was unbecoming
of the emergency extension was that the UML made these issues the conditions for lending
their support. The government imposed the emergency in November last year to deal with the
Maoist menace. The issue is not just whether there is a need to continue with the
emergency or we can tackle the Maoist problem without resorting to extraordinary powers.
The manner in which the two biggest parties got together to extend the emergency has set a
bad precedent. It gives rise to fears among the people that if only the two major parties
can cut a deal, they can just about do anything they please.
This apart, three more months of emergency means
another chance for the government to take some tough decisions and get done some things
that need getting done. Apart from quelling the Maoist insurgency, there is much the
government must do. The Maoist insurgency has pushed up security expenses by leaps and
bounds and the government has chosen the easy way out by diverting funds from development.
This should have been the last resort. The first should have been to cut government costs.
This should be possible by restricting the use of government vehicles, using buses rather
then individual cars, having fewer political advisors at government offices including the
Prime Minister’s Office, pruning unnecessary manpower and putting a moratorium on all
recruitments and appointments by the prime minister and other ministers. Better work
discipline should be established and corruption must find no place at any level of
government. Cells must be established within the ministries to monitor the functioning of
officials and check official corruption. But the government must also give the
anti-corruption bodies adequate powers to haul even the highest level officials, including
ministers, to court for corruption. The other areas that need correction must also be paid
due attention. And, of course, the Maoist problem must be tackled boldly and swiftly so
that the nation can get back to normal. This may be a tall order for a government used to
its slow, easy and comfortable pace. But these are difficult times. The government must
show that it is aware of the conditions in the country and operate accordingly. It has to
show that the proof of the pudding will come in the ensuing days of the extended
emergency. |
