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  Kathmandu Thursday March 07, 2002 Falgun 23,  2058.


State responsibility and crisis of conscience

By DR SHREEDHAR GAUTAM

The Maoist attack on the police and military barracks in Achham and Salyan districts recently and the endorsement of the state of emergency for three more months by the House of Representatives on February 21 have once again impelled us to take an in-depth look at the concept of democracy and the form of the present crisis. Since 1990, we in Nepal have been familiar with the term democracy as a do it yourself doctrine. The implicit meaning of democracy is choosing for yourself. Liberty and equality are its distinctive objectives. Fraternity is another concept that goes along with democracy, with an indication that a democratic system promotes a sense of responsibility. But if we make an objective analysis of the last 12 years of our democratic experiment, we will find only a small group of power-seekers playing the chess-like game of politics for their own benefit. The game of power politics has been so naked that in this respect Nepal has surpassed the military dictatorship in many Third World countries. There has been little effect on the lives of the majority whose sufferings have not been lessened by the frequent change of power in Singh Durbar over the last 12 years.

The current national scenario suggests the state and society moving dangerously towards head on conflict. Over the years we have not seen any sign of state - society rapport. And no country can hope for good governance in the absence of healthy balance between civil society and political state. The lack of a progressive polity all these years is to be traced to the existing nature of our state, which has functioned in an authoritarian way dressed in democratic garb. The way the state of emergency has been ratified vividly shows how Parliament has been made a rubber stamp citing the will of the people. While endorsing the state of emergency, the state i.e. the concerned political parties through whom the political state functions, should have made a sincere introspection over their own past record and over  the causes of the state’s failure in maintaining a healthy balance in society. But nothing of this sort happened. Already the alienated segments of society are severely hurt by neglect from the political state and terrorist manifestation in the form of ultra-leftist violence. There is likelihood of mass discontent erupting if the state aggravates the situation further.

The crux of the problem since the restoration of the multiparty democracy is the political leaders who have misused the state’s political authority. They have undermined the power of the people who are greater than them and are also the creator of the state. The country is facing anarchy, because the executive has been operating with the help of the parliamentary branch without seeking the backing of civil society. It is an essential nature of a democratic country to acknowledge that the state has no higher power than the people or civil society. Our political leaders have completely forgotten that political structure is a mere creation of the people. We, in Nepal, as a people, made a tryst with destiny to restore a multiparty democracy with utmost concern for the welfare of every member of society. So it is paramount that leaders are sensitive to the values of harmony and the stability of the nation as a collective social entity. But to our great dismay these leaders have glossed over the need of balance in society. The ruling elite seems oblivious to the fact that if society is self-divided or if there is clash between different sections of society, the state suffers in its representative might and thereby democracy perishes.

It is in this background that there is an urgent need to preserve the homogeneity of our society. The state of emergency shows there is a clash of interest between two groups and this development could destroy the fabric of democratic norms. The present disruption of social coherence is bound to lead to political disunity of various natures. The situation should not be allowed to exceed the limits through our reckless action. We are now facing a society - versus - state crisis. Moreover, we have to be extra vigilant in the context of global capitalism. Global corporations in Nepal are also active and they are notorious for selling the soul of society to exploitative forces. This is the period for all responsible social organizations and political parties to come into constructive play. The growing interference of multinational companies on the one hand, and the frustration of a majority of the people with government are the direct result of the failure of the state. State authority has become purchasable with the rapid increase of corruption. There are groups within the state using money power. The Maoist uprising is linked to the surrender syndrome of state organs and the rulers before the political Mafia who are responsible for undermining our society and our national pride.

If the government still continues to withdraw from the public welfare process, different forms of terror groups can emerge. Gradually but systematically government schools, colleges, hospitals and means of transportation are being either closed down or privatised. This is a very disturbing sign. The well off can go to costly hospitals and so-called glorious private educational institutions; but the suffering majority will feel further left out. Such developments can force the disgruntled to seek justice in the streets, instead of the courts.

If our democracy is to redeem its tryst with destiny, a code of ethics must become the vogue in public life. The government should opt for consensus and the contentment of the lowliest. Government should realize that arbitrary acts are not compatible with democratic norms. It should seek dialogue with all disgruntled groups in society, including the Maoists. The executive, with the help of parliament, has taken a decision to ratify the state of emergency. But in the absence of togetherness between society and the state or without evolving a viable harmony functionally involving all affected parties, rule of law cannot be established in society even under emergency powers. In our case corruption has hijacked democracy and it survives only in name or in mere ritualistic celebration as on Falgun 7 every year. The majority of people feel that the terrorism of bribery and corruption has touched unprecedented levels and it is no less harmful than the terrorism unleashed by ultra leftists. Fearful of the government in the absence of transparency and accountability, people like to be left alone rather than look to the state for any help. As long as the present scenario remains unchanged, few will believe in the possibility of a rational social order with maximum security to the most vulnerable segments of society.

The present sorry state of governance reminds us of Plato, who wished a country to be governed by an elite of philosophers with sound and healthy reason. He was slightly sceptical of democracy as it required cent percent literacy and awareness among the people. Likewise, Rousseau must have given the slogan of ‘Back to Nature’ after losing faith in man’s capacity to lead an organized or well-ordered life. The idea of natural man against the established socio political order appealed to the culturally sick and bored of France in the 18th century. Marx, on the other hand, applied his theory in terms of economic force. He thought revolution necessary for the ethical health of the people. But the agenda of politics typical of our country is largely self-serving. Political leaders never care to learn from people of vision who set an example in the past by sacrificing personnel comforts to serve humanity. They are busy with the dirty tricks of power play. What we are facing is a crisis of conscience. So, it is not corruption alone, it is conscience also . Will the politicians listen to the cry of this hour?


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