Resisting adversity

By RITENDRA TAMANG

The deployment of government forces to suppress the Maoist movement and the counter resistances of Maoists is continually and systematically undermining Nepal’s democracy. The prolonged political uncertainty that has resulted from these events has fractured the nation’s social and economic structures. Indeed, such political violence has become a daily phenomenon in Nepal and ordinary citizens have been grossly victimised by the politically-driven internal conflict, which commonly involves abductions, massacres, violations of human rights, and the destruction of public properties. In short, the current domestic situation offers no prospect of a peaceful and secure Nepal for its citizens.

While addressing such fear-provoking occurrences, one should realise that Nepal’s prevalent social, political, and economic conflicts are derived from different sources. Such diverse causes include the lack of some basic needs such as education, employment opportunities, health care, adequate sanitation, clean water, and a general environment of a comprehensive, inter-related strategy of support amongst these different factors. Rather than working together in a concerted effort to identify and prioritise problems, determine the best solutions, and begin the process of implementing solutions, there have been consistent adverse interactions between the different agendas of the Maoists and the local government. Such internal conflict has tended to distract attention away from the immediate situation and ordinary citizens have suffered the most.

In fact, the people of Nepal have been repeatedly manipulated by untrue promises given by various political parties. It is to the credit of the spirit of the Nepalese that, despite past disappointments with unfulfilled promises, they continue to hope and aspire for the success of new plans that come their way. To date no promises or implementation of plans have been fully met. The majority of the population, which lives in rural areas, comprise those who have been most marginalised by the paternalistic rhetoric of the ruling political party. Past and present actions of each political party, including the Maoists, have clearly demonstrated that the maintenance of power and control is the foremost priority in establishing one’s party dominance. I contend that the common interests of the people should superimpose any party’s inclinations to promote factionalism and terror, that is, situations that reduce the effectiveness of a working democracy. For the sake of Nepal and its people, such arrogant party priorities must change immediately in order to bring hope for a sustained peace.

The design of any potential solutions for the many problems of Nepal should include the contributions of its citizens so that relevant voices of inquiry readily represent actual personal experiences within the context of the escalating destruction and violence in the community. In this way then the community’s collective voices will challenge the destructive dynamics of terror caused by Maoist insurgents and the coercions of power by the government, which includes various political parties that tend to prioritise their individual political agendas over national interest—ordinary citizen’s viewpoints will strengthen the practice of democracy by creating an overlapping layer of political involvement that presents alternative solutions that refuse the use of force. Such prevalent community resistance against ongoing dominant oppressive practices will bring about the transformation of the country towards a more democratic Nepal.

The insurgents and the interim government of Nepal have both expressed their interest and willingness to conduct an ongoing dialogue related to a common resolution regarding current conflicts. This recent development provides hope to many that peace may be negotiated soon. In order to sustain this momentum of expectations, citizens must adopt the role of proactive participants in the political process by taking meaningful initiatives that urge the government and political parties, including the Maoists, to initiate a peace process and address the forced displacements, rising violence, heightened insecurity, and social and economic degradation that have resulted from the irresponsible past actions of the insurgents and government. Such initiatives will promote democratic principles since problems would be systematically identified and resolved, and foster the peaceful democratic participation of political, economic, and social institutions.

Such participatory efforts will also strengthen ordinary citizens’ confidence that it is their civil right and responsibility to hold other members of society accountable for their actions, which will challenge the imposition of any one political interest and its ideology. The restoration of a particular regime to power is concentrated in the hands of a few. The people of Nepal should raise public awareness about political issues by actively coordinating a systematic investigation process regarding the intentions and conduct of government officials and the insurgents (ie, issues of accountability and responsibility). Initiatives or negotiations regarding any agenda must be guided by the common objective of bettering fundamental national issues for all citizens, such as social justice, economic equity, comprehensive health care, and education.

The Nepalis have the right to know what the Maoists are doing to ensure their agendas are something more than strategic expansionist demands upon Nepal’s sovereignty. Also, Nepali must constantly inquire regarding the accountability of the government in the implementation of national programmes and to what degree the judicial system will be accountable in protecting their rights as humans. The Nepalis must challenge the government to strengthen the effectiveness of the state without allowing themselves to be co-opted or without losing their autonomy and independence.

This participatory approach would create political venues and solutions in response to the current crisis and lack of representation of public interest, and would reiterate the need for a negotiated political solution that is both non-military and non-violent in nature. Such an approach demands that the insurgents and the government exercise unconditional respect for public life and its infrastructures. Government must acknowledge that acts of violence and terror suppress responsible participation and encourage continued chaos and destruction. As long as defenseless people are the victims of violence, public skepticism of those in power will prevail.

Alas, it does not suffice for purposes of meaningful analysis to merely point out the flaws of government or bemoan its weaknesses. Through the use of appropriate formal and informal channels of participation in the making of public decisions, specifically within the local sphere, citizens should exercise their right to exert their presence and leadership to generate a healthy strengthening of institutions. Nepali themselves must bear a collective responsibility to act as an instrument of democratic change. They must be constant and firm in demanding political accountability from those who claim to be representatives of political ideals.

All efforts that motivate ordinary citizens, intellectuals, and all others concerned with conducting the proposed dialogue and plan of actions to overcome issues of political and social disruption in a manner that allows and provides assurances of security should be promoted. A continual monitoring mechanism that assists in the maintenance of the productive coordination between pertinent political representatives must be implemented in order to achieve true peace in the country. It will be through meaningful, relevant dialogue that Nepal will discover its peaceful, reconciliatory and collaborative solutions for the re-allocation of precious economic and social resources.

The Nepalis must reject violence as a method to initiate political change or as a tool to obtain strategic revolutionary gains. They must work together to defeat fear and to reconstruct hope. The interest of a few must not be allowed to paralyse the hopes of millions!

(The article was written before the truce between the government and the Maoists)

Dreams for my future

By EVA MANANDHAR

ADr in front of my name, a job which most people dream to have and only few achieve, a salary in seven figures, a status which other salute to, a house which is nothing less than a grand mansion, a car which makes everyone is jealous of, the list is endless. Am I being too materialistic or just humanistic, just having the same dreams as any other. Isn’t this what everyone aspires to have in life and strive for.

I’m going to college not to gain knowledge but to earn a degree which is going to get me a great job. I’ve seen people who have earned great name and fame because they’ve done a lot for society, gave their precious time and effort for the upliftment of society. They did it because they had the will to do something for society and, more importantly, they had the money to show such generosity, which I’m sure wouldn’t have been possible otherwise. Whenever they are talked about, you only hear praises and blessings for them. For their kindness and their big open heart. Their life seems so complete and worthwhile. You are sure once you have been born on this earth you should do something like that to pay tribute to your motherland, to make your life worthwhile.

But is life only about achieving name and fame? What about a little joy that comes into your life. Sometimes, I wonder do these high class people have the same joys that we have, the fun and laughter we share across the dinner table with our family members? Or are they too busy attending parties with the socialites clinking their glasses filled with champagne? Jokes that I share with my siblings, time I spend with my parents and just feeling happy and lucky to be part of this family filled with a bonding of togetherness. I think that’s what really matters and makes life a complete and worth living.

Sometimes, even I wish to have a name that people look up to and say «Now that’s something». But then I wander what is the price I to have to pay for it. I’d be real busy managing my job, running around the world, attending seminars, meeting business associates, having dinner at some fancy hotels. All this does sound thrilling. But while I’m doing all this who is going to look after my family? Are my children going to grow up as orphans though they have a mother? Are nannies, day care centres and boarding schools going to be an integral part of their lives and me the elegant mother? When my child says his first word, it takes his first step, does his first everything and I am going to have to look at it in a recorded tape and satisfy myself with it. Is that how I want to spend my life? Am I being too pessimistic? Is it possible to handle both a demanding career and a family with equal ease or am I going to have my regrets at the end of the day?

Despite all these questions; I crave to have a great career; and wish that my children 
think that they have the best mother they could have ever asked for. Is it possible or am I asking for too much?

Water no longer flows naturally

By Koïchiro Matsuura

Water has made a noticeable entrance in the international political arena. With this a new awareness has dawned: what if this apparently perpetual gift from the skies were yet not inexhaustible? It is also the end of symbol: what if this source of life, which is at the heart of so many rituals and hygiene practices, no longer stood for regeneration and purity? We must face the facts: water resources are growing scarce, and water quality will have an increasing cost. As for purity, it is now difficult to keep count of the regions where soiled water generates death rather than health. UNESCO, responsible for the creation of the pioneering International Hydrological Programme in the Seventies, had long anticipated this new water deal, which has been recognised by the World Summit on Sustainable Development held in Johannesburg as one of the most critical challenges facing the world today.

Whether in the Northern or the Southern hemisphere, access to clean drinking water is essential to human security and to sustainable development. It is considered more and more to be a right. However, 1.2 billion people still have no access to drinking water and 2.4 billion are deprived of water purification services. And yet, the world has enough freshwater resources to cover most needs in drinking water; but the uneven distribution of water resources shows great disparities, both social and geographical. The problem, therefore, is less to do with quantity than with availability. Water quality is also a growing concern.

Water resources, given their extreme sensitivity to human activity and intensive exploitation involving highly technical engineering, are less and less natural - in a way, water no longer flows naturally. This indicates the need for a new water culture, which could combine caring, sparing and sharing. It is high time we responded to the needs of a growing population for food, health and energy by adopting a more "sober" attitude. As with any right, the right for access to water also sets obligations: the obligation for public authorities to ensure distribution, the obligation for users to prevent wastage.

Agriculture alone is responsible for two-thirds of the consumption of water drawn from natural reservoirs. To improve yields, to install drainage systems, to prevent excessive irrigation responsible for ecological disasters, these are our goals. Furthermore, global water withdrawals have increased sevenfold, and industry-related water consumption has been multiplied by 30 in a century. Implementation of scientific research could bring considerable changes in these areas as well as others, providing information were circulated and changes of behaviour followed. Science and education are therefore conditions for these improvements, which prove more and more urgent as city needs increase - not an example of thriftiness, since wastage is estimated to represent 40% of urban consumption!

As well as this, wastewater production has been multiplied by twenty over a century. As for diffuse pollution related to agriculture (nitrates, pesticides…), industry and urban development, they are a continual threat to water reserves. Food safety is at risk, ecosystems are being disrupted, water-related diseases cause millions of deaths each year, especially in developing countries - pollution is henceforth regarded as a major public health concern. If we fail to react, this could jeopardise the future of these resources and with it, the quality of life, and even the survival, of future generations.

In order to eliminate disparities and protect water, freshwater must be recognised on an international level as a common good and heritage. This conception, which emphasises the importance of sharing, is also a contribution to peace. For water, that increasingly vital issue, has also become a strategic one. In the world 261 river basins are divided between different States, generating a risk of "water wars". The international community must prevent conflict over water allocation from overcoming dialogue by providing solid legal instruments, especially in areas where water shortage is combined with political tensions.

Water has become part of the economic circuit. Given the huge investments required by wate rworks, free access to water is no longer to be considered. But access to drinking water for all cannot be guaranteed without taking into account the income and needs of users in order to adjust price scales: this new water culture is also ethical. The search for equity should preside over decision-making processes: great water projects, especially dams, often have a very high social and human addition, and many disasters could be avoided by promoting dialogue. This, again, implies an effort towards education, information and training.

UNESCO has decided to define water as one of its main priorities over the next few years. In this area our competencies are an asset: besides providing support for prospective studies in the area of water, for research in hydrology and for innovation, the Organisation can federate on the international level the commitment towards education which is vital to the process of sustainable development. If we delay in setting up a real sense of eco-citizenship, by fostering thrift and public-spiritedness for one thing, the day may come when the Earth can no longer be dubbed a "Blue Planet".

(The author is director general of UNESCO)

World is one big Maya

ANIL PANICKER

Queen Marie Antoinette has been reborn as Madam Mayawati, the honorable chief minister of Uttar Pradesh, the largest state of India. 

Just like the guillotined Antoinette who offered her subjects cake when all they wanted was bread, the prima donna of Dalit subaltern politics has offered her subjects swabhiman (self-respect) when all they wanted was a roof over their heads, and two square meals to keep body and soul together.

Yes, that’s exactly what the firebrand Nadia Hunterwali of Indian politics gave on January 15 this year, when she celebrated her 47th birthday in 70 mm style, as swabhiman diwas.

Now don’t get me wrong. I am all for birthdays. I mean every human being has right to celebrate the day he or she stepped onto this planet. I remember the way I used to celebrate my birthday over the years. As a kid they were mega events, in the sense that mother used to prepare my choicest dishes while I made it a point to invite my friends from the neighborhood. At school it was the done thing to distribute sweets to the entire class.

As I added to my existence on this earth, one by one the glitter and sheen that one associated with early birthday bashes slowly began to dim. I distinctly remember my last big birthday bash. It was around eight years ago and I celebrated the event by merely treating my close buddies to a round of hot coffee at an upmarket bistro.

To be honest, the last few years have seen me develop total amnesia as regards even remembering birthdays is concerned.

But therein ends the difference between ordinary folks like us and super terrestrial beings like Mayawati. While we can afford to skip birthdays at times, Maya cannot afford to do that. It is against her swabhiman. Or to put it more bluntly, it is against the swabhiman of the poverty stricken, bleeding and teeming mass of Dalits, who consider her as the best thing to have happened in their lives.

After all Mayawati’s metamorphosis from a humble municipal school teacher to the consort of Kanshi Ram, her benefactor and finally to the chief ministerial hot seat in 1995, is straight out of Ripley’s Believe it or Not. Simply extraordinary!

And in India, if hitherto unknown politicians manage to break through centuries old tradition and asinine inflexibility, to suddenly catapult onto the national spotlight, then it is a cause for celebration. It is party time for the people they represent.

Mayawati is one such political creature who has managed to do the impossible and come out triumphant. The success of this Dalit woman has offered a ray of hope for all her caste men and women, who for centuries have weathered innumerable insults, discrimination and humiliation at the hands of their upper caste rulers.

The oppressed have turned oppressor and are giving the upper classes a taste of their own medicine. It is pay back time for the upper caste political elite of India and who better than the likes of Mayawati and others of her ilk to do the honours, whose numbers are burgeoning by the day.

She is joined by other illustrious champions of the rights of the underdog like Ram Vilas Paswan and the one and only Laloo Prasad Yadav, who runs the impoverished state of Bihar, like his own personal fiefdom.

All of them are brash, intolerable of even a whiff of dissent within their party, come packaged with a haughty ‘in your face’ attitude and are alleged to have amassed wealth hugely disproportionate to their known sources of income.

And all practice their own individual brand of politics, based on a single common USP (unique selling proposition, in marketing parlance)—as the messiah of the downtrodden and the have-nots.

But one is tempted to ask: By such unabashed, ostentatious and utterly vulgar, inhumane display of wealth, are they not merely trying to do one better than the manuvadis? Have not their antics merely taken the level of political corruption onto a higher plane?

Is there any wonder then in the popular saying that a politician is like a cat? A cat who enjoys nine lives.

One such cat who represented his constituency for a record four times, once more hit the road and came canvassing for votes when the election dates neared. While on a visit to an extremely poor village, notorious for its yearly starvation deaths, an intrepid farmer shot a question at him: Why should we once again vote you to power, when all these years you have done nothing to improve our living conditions?

Startled for a moment by this googly, the politician however quickly regained his composure and replied, "My dear friend. It is true when you say that in all my four terms in office, I failed to do any good deed for you and your condition has gone from bad to worse. I will explain to you why this happened. During my first term in office, I was busy securing the future of my wife and nine children. The second term saw me busy securing the future of my wife’s brothers. The third term found me help fill the coffers for my two brothers. The fourth year saw me give a helping hand to my nephews and nieces. Now I have done my dharma, and today I am a free and fulfilled man. Now it is your turn and I will devote all my energies in enriching each one of your lives. So I earnestly and most humbly request you to elect me this time also".

There is a message in this parable for the ever rising numbers of Dalits and Harijans who heroine and hero worship leaders like Laloo and Mayawati.

At 47, the lady has many more of political winters ahead of her. This is her hour of glory under the sun and let her bask in it. She will some day, many moons later, definitely gaze down on her bare chested, dying masses and enrich their lives.

Till then all that they have to do is put up with some more of Rs 1.23 crore birthday bashes and few more blasts of the icy cold.

Competing with foreign professionals

ATMA SHRESTHA

Foreign managements can do it when it comes to challenging the big defaulters of the two large ailing banks, namely Rastriya Banijya Bank and Nepal Bank Ltd. One can now see public notices being published in the newspapers threatening the defaulters of these banks to take legal action should they fail to settle the dues within the given time. The mountain of Non Performing Assets (NPA) formed over last several years has driven these banks to the brink of collapse and to rescue these dying banks, we have now invited foreign professionals from western part of the world as Nepalese professionals lack the gut to challenge the defaulters. This is indeed a disconcerting matter for all of us. We must find out the underlying reason(s) why Nepalese professionals lack skills and courage to turnaround and re-engineer these troubled financial institutions despite their long professional experience and qualification.

While doubting on the courage and competence of Nepalese professionals, I should not forget to mention here that these two banks are government-controlled. Hence, whoever is installed and inducted as the chief of these banks is the government appointee which means the government is directly involved in the business of these banks and therefore it is solely responsible for the mess of these two banks. The root cause of the high level of NPA of these banks is direct outcome of the lack of good corporate governance system of the banks.

Having created such a mess, the government has virtually lost its moral authority to ask the bank management to challenge the defaulters to recover the loan. This is the reason why external intervention mainly from the donor countries and World Bank has become inevitable. Now, to put our house in order, we are relying on others. We should therefore learn the lesson as to how the misdeed of the government puts the nation to shame.

The appointment of foreign professionals in these two large ailing banks has certainly undermined the ability and competence of Nepalese professionals. This act has further emboldened the spirit of those who always advocate the need of foreign professionals, even to manage shop-size business organisations. The crowd of foreign professionals, mainly in tourism and banking sector is the testimony to this fact. When we have large troupe of experienced and qualified professionals in these sectors, the import of foreign professionals does not seem to be a wise policy of the government and the owners of the business organisations.

While arguing in favour of Nepalese professionals, I must expose their professional weaknesses too, which provide justification for hiring foreigners. Most of the Nepalese professionals still lack professional ethics and integrity. They compromise easily for short-term benefit. Secondly, they have masters to serve as; even able people, let alone the mediocre have habit to please the power centre(s) for climbing the corporate ladder. This mind-set and behaviour stymies their professional development. They lack independent identity required for becoming successful corporate leaders. Third, they lack knowledge of modern management concepts which is evident from the fact that most of the Nepalese organisations are still traditionally managed: excessively hierarchical, slow and inward looking which means they cannot meet the heightened expectations of the markets they are serving and of their internal customers - the employees who now demand different work environment: personal respect, professionalism, merit-based work culture and ownership in their organisation.

It’s equally relevant to speak of the competence and performance level of their foreign counterparts working in Nepal. Without any prejudice, I can argue that Nepalese professionals in some sectors like bank are equally competent and in some respects are better off than their foreign counterparts. This may be evident from some banks like Bank of Kathmandu which was on the verge of collapse when foreign management was in control. It could resuscitate only after the Nepalese management took over. Nepal Industrial and Credit Bank has now decided to have Nepalese management to improve its market performance. Under this backdrop, I don’t see any logic and rationale in continuing the service of foreign professionals in those sectors where we already have glut of competent and experience professionals. Hence, the government should take stock of this situation and should restrict the hiring of foreign professionals where they are not required at all.

Now, a major question is whether the western professionals brought in to turnaround and re-engineer the two old and ailing banks will be able to succeed in their mission. Based on their rich professional experience, we hope they will and we honestly wish they could. However, the success of the new management teams of these two banks greatly depends on their ability to effectively implement the re-engineering strategy that aims at constructive destruction of an organisation by taking radical measures, mainly through redesigning the work processes. For this, the soft issues like corporate restructuring, creating merit-based work culture, introducing performance management system and good corporate governance merit their quick attention. The apprehension that the present governor of the central bank has expressed in his recent interview on the success of the new team will prove wrong only if the teams confront the challenges boldly, wisely and patiently.

The issue of Can-do and Can’t-do must be looked upon seriously if Nepalese professionals are to establish themselves as the potent force for the nation. They can shift their present position from ‘Can’t-do’ to ‘Can-do’ provided they realise and overcome the weaknesses highlighted above. It’s not befitting at all for the Nepalese professionals to shy away from taking challenging job responsibilities when they are able and competent to do. While we should value the skills, knowledge and the contribution of foreign professionals working in our country, we should be psychologically ready to take any challenging responsibilities like that of the two troubled banks in question. However, this calls for conscious and concerted efforts on their part to upgrade their professional standard and image.

Kichakbadh excavation
Evidences lend credence to lore

CHINTAMANI DAHAL

Evidences from excavation at the religious site Kichakbadh at Bhadrapur of Jhapa suggest that the place was an ancient fort associated with the story of Mahabharata. The site Kichakbadh is situated ten kilometres southeast of Bhadrapur, on the banks of Deuniya River.

Excavation at the site was done for 11 days on December 2001, which was resumed on 27 December 2002. According to Uddav Acharya, an archaeologist and the head of the Kichakbadh Excavation and Investigation Project, many important historical antiquities are being found from the excavation.

"After this revelation we are searching for the main palace," said Acharya.

As a strong evidence to prove the existence of ancient fort, the team found a turning point of the fortification wall and on the basis of that turning point the team has found a 40 metre long ancient wall. "There are chances that we will find another turning point of the ancient wall," said Acharya.

There is a small construction attached to the wall outside the fort, which probably would have been a security post meant for guards. This post was surrounded from three sides by wall. One side of the post has a hole and there is a door on the opposite side. This security post is situated at the southwestern corner of the fort.

According to archaeologist Acharya, on the southwestern side of the fort virgin soil has been found underneath seven layers of soil while on the northeastern side there is virgin soil under three layers. Two samples of sand from the layers prove that sometime in the past a river had twice inundated the fort.

A layer of broken bricks within the layers prove that there had been two human settlement at the site which in course of time might have been destroyed or ruined. In the different layers of soil different terracotta antiquities have been found. Broken pottery and clayware, tiles, iron knives and bricks of different sizes have been found. Two size of bricks, 4cm x 26cm x 36cm and 5cm x 28cm x 42 cm found at the site are identical to those found in another historical site Bhediari, near Biratnagar, which according to archaeologists, proves that the fort is as ancient as Kusan period, about 2000 years ago.

Though the antiquities are yet to be tested at laboratory and it is difficult to determine their exact dates, archaeologists say that this excavation will bring to the light various new facts about the site.

The excavation team consists of archaeologist Acharya, Survey engineer Purna Bahadur Shrestha and Field Assistant Birat Bahadur Thapa.

According to the ancient Hindu scripture Mahabharata, Kichak was King Birata’s brother in law and an army general of the kingdom Biratnagar. He was a wicked fellow and a womaniser. Kichak had evil schemes on Draupadi who along with her five husbands had come to Biratnagar to live in disguise for one year. It is believed that the present Kichakbadh is the same place where Kichak was slain by mighty Bhimsen. Each year at Kichakbadh, a fair is held on the day of Swasthani Purnima (a festival which falls in mid February).

In the east of the main fort there is a small land surrounded from all sides by a pond. According to locals, bone snippets, pink corals, agates and other precious stones have been found there. The use of these jewels dates back to around five thousand years ago. However no research has been done in this place yet. If research is done it would add to the historical importance of
Kichakbadh.

Talk of ‘emergencies’ misses the point

DAVID HARLAND

Overshadowed by the Iraq crisis, quite a lot has been happening in Africa recently. Ivory Coast, having first taken a step away from war, may be edging back toward the precipice. Sudan is walking a fine line between war and peace, with an agreement possible to end what is now Africa’s longest-running conflict

Civil wars in Burundi and even Congo may be a little closer to resolution than they were a year ago. Sierra Leone seems to have put its horrible civil war behind it. As has Angola, until recently the scene of Africa’s Thirty Years’ War. The peace between Ethiopia and Eritrea is holding. Is Africa rejoicing offstage while the world worries about Iraq? Not at all.

Despite the small flashes of good news, Africa remains in a horrible mess. Liberia, already one of the worst places in the world, may be getting less stable. Rwanda is still struggling to cope with the aftermath of genocide. A forgotten war in northern Uganda forces a million people to live in camps waiting for handouts that often don’t come.

A decade on from the American debacle, Somalia still has no government at all. Some of the things happening in the Congo, including cannibalism, seem barely believable.

Pliny the Elder said that "out of Africa there is always something new." Ex Africa semper aliquid novi. These days it seems that the opposite is true: Out of Africa there is always something depressingly familiar.

Much of Southern Africa, beset by a combination of bad weather and worse government, is hungry. Across the continent, now starting in Mauritania in the far west and stretching all the way to the easternmost tip of the Horn of Africa, some 40 million people are in need of food assistance - the biggest total ever.

AIDS is now a pandemic approaching the scale of the Black Death, with 11 million orphans already and many more to come. Malaria, diarrhea and a host of preventable diseases are killing millions every year.

All of this spawns a population that is young, sick, uneducated and used to death and violence. And it inevitably leads to the continued curses of high fertility, high mortality, low life expectancy and low economic growth.

There are structural causes, of course, for Africa’s problems, which are quite well known: weak states, bad governance, fickle support from the outside world, and a host of others. But despite the well-known causes, there is very little agreement on what should be done, and less will to do it.

In the absence of that agreement, and that will, the basic response of the world beyond Africa is to do more of the same. Humanitarian organizations are planning bigger feeding programs, bigger refugee camps, bigger vaccination programs. The peacekeepers are planning for a possible mission in Sudan - the United Nations’ 20th mission on the continent.

There could also be new peacekeeping missions, perhaps under an African regional umbrella, in Burundi and Ivory Coast.

Beyond the obvious point that none of this addresses the underlying causes of human misery in Africa, there is another problem. Humanitarian relief and peacekeeping are emergency operations. They are quick fixes. They go in, they assess the problem, appeal for money, do the job as best they can, and leave. They are built on the assumption that there is a temporary problem.

For the 20th time in 20 years, relief organizations are launching one-year emergency funding appeals for programs in Sudan.

If the world beyond Africa is unable to grapple with the root causes, then it could at least recognize - as the best organizations are trying to do - that this troubled region is not in the grip of an "emergency."

Humanitarian operations, and peace operations, need to be planned and budgeted for the long haul. Budget cycles need to be changed, local capacities need to be built up, there needs to be a bigger role for ongoing commitments like education.

Recognizing that Africa’s weak states need long-term assistance won’t make the problems go away, but it will make it a little easier to deal with the consequences of those problems.

(The writer is a senior policy adviser on humanitarian affairs with the United Nations in Geneva.)

International Herald Tribune