All is not lost

By DR SHREEDHAR GAUTAM

In the history of one thousand years, over ten thousand wars have been fought, all of them avoidable. Humanity suffered a lot only because of the politicians’ ego clash and utter disregard for human values. The World War I created an unprecedented havoc and, for the first time, poets and intellectuals came openly against the false promises of their leaders in their respective countries. The war poetry in English literature amply exposes the cruelties and the ugly scenes created by war. Many young poets lost their lives in the war just to fulfil the whims and stunts of their leaders. Wilfred Owen has rightly suggested in his poem: ‘Anthew for Doomed Youth’, not to lament over the dead bodies brought from the battlefield because they were deliberately sent to die as cattle. He writes: "No mockeries now for them, no prayers nor bells. Nor any voice of mourning save the choirs". Owen’s pain only points to the unbearable agony brought in by the war.

However, the politicians very soon forgot the consequences of the First World War and again plunged the humanity into World War II. Like after the WW I, the cunning leaders assured the world that there would be no more war and humanity would be in perfect harmony and cohesion after the UN birth. The assurance proved to be a false promise with the vicious Korean and then Vietnam War in which the atrocities of the WW II surpassed the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The UN proved as its predecessor, the League of Nations, to be an ineffective organisation. Again, the politicians told us that the end of the Cold War would bring a perfect world order and genuine unity all over the world. It was again a ploy to uncover their evil design, and for the first time, the UN was used to impose the most unequal and unjust war on Iraq. We can have our own independent judgment on the question of Iraqi regime, and particularly President Saddam Hussein, but the war was a clear violation of human values and defeat of rational power. In the name of our hatred to an individual to punish the whole country and that too constantly for 13 years is clearly a sign of the defeat of humanity. We can have differences of opinion, but we cannot justify the collective punishment to the entire nation, especially the children and women.

However, it is heartening to know that humanity cannot be suppressed all the time. It was an enlightening experience in life to watch millions of people in New York, London, Rome, Paris, Madrid, Sydney, Hong Kong, Moscow, Brussels, Toronto, and other parts of Europe and America chanting slogans against the looming war on Iraq. The scene in New York and London has overwhelmed us so much that no other experience can outweigh this ecstasy. Now we can tell others that there is still meaning in living and we should not generalise our view about any particular community and race. There are great humanists and thinkers in America and Britain, and they too are worried about the looming danger of war on Iraq. They too are against the war policies of their leaders. After all, America and Britain are not the personal properties of Bush and Blair. Our anger should never be directed against any single American and British, but against the policies of the responsible leaders.

We should not forget that America is the country of Jefferson, Emerson and Lincoln. Similarly, Britain is the birthplace of Shakespeare, Shelley and Russell. Certainly, their legacy and contribution will awaken the British and Americans to rise against the wrong policies of their leaders. It is good that people have raised voices in millions, not just in thousands, from New York and London, demonstrating that all is not lost. Theirs is the voice of reason, vision and imagination. However, it does not mean that we should lower our guard upon the danger of artificial and avoidable war. On February 15, after having seen millions of people marching against the looming war in Iraq, the British Prime Minister hardened his stance dismissing the demonstration as an irrelevant incident. He ignored the sentiments of people by saying that the protest by millions of people was nothing compared to the atrocities committed by Saddam Hussein. There is no sign of remorse on his part for pushing Britain to an indefensible war.

It is strange that such worldwide protests also do not melt the leaders like Bush and Blair. It is not the question of prestige for Blair and Bush; it is the question of survival of humanity. They will lose nothing, except their ego, by abandoning their war game, but if they become adamant on their stand, it will be a defeat of humanity, not the simple annihilation of Iraqi people. Moreover, the avoidance of war will not undermine the authority of the UN as claimed by Blair, but the imposition of war will formalise the death of the UN, which has been severely injured several times. Presently, it is an insult to the concept of UN to say that the UN is alive. The Secretary General of the world body has no voice over the functioning of the body. He cannot categorically say that there should be no war on Iraq in the name of the UN. An equally important fact, as raised by the Syrian Foreign Minister on February 14 in the Security Council Meeting, is that the UN is very partial, selective and discriminatory in its dealing with member countries, meaning that it takes action only against certain countries.

In our country, major political parties, except a few instances, have so far remained almost silent over a possibility of war on Iraq. Their voice has not come out as strongly as shown by the people in America and Europe. However, it is heartening, to note that ex-Gurkhas organized a march on February 15 to protest against the possibility of war on Iraq. They have done a commendable job, and their example should give a message to the political parties. Ex-Gurkhas’ anger and protest is not against the American and British people. The advisers of Bush and Blair should also realise that by averting war on Iraq, they will prevent the birth and growth of many Bin ladens. It is disheartening to see the Patriot and the Avenger air defence missiles installed at the Heathrow airport of England and the White House complex of Washington.

It is ironical and paradoxical that the people of a free country, as claimed by their leaders, are now living in a perpetual fear of terrorist attack. The people of America, praised the world over for their inspiring struggle for independence, are now made to buy gasmasks from the markets and barred to move freely. They deserve free movement all over the world as proud citizens of a great country that gave birth to Lincoln and Jefferson. The US and British leaders still can control the situation from turning into nightmare for all. Neither Korea nor Saddam’s Iraq can blackmail and threaten countries like the USA and the UK with 100 times far more superior modern technology than the latter’s.

Poor hawkers!

By VINOD ADHIKARY

It was that Monday afternoon when one of my friends and I were having a tea chat at a coffee shop near the Bhagawati Bahal temple. I was asking him to keep mailing me and not forget me after he reaches Carlise, which is one of the cities in the United Kingdom where he has decided to pursue his career. Amar, one of my good friends had left for Australia, I remember leaving my own brother to the Airport, now it’s Ray-Sun, and I don’t know how many more of my good friends I’m going to miss.

"Well, you too are leaving now. Man why does this happen to me only, why am I losing friends day by day?"

"Come on, I will mail you as soon as I reach there", was his reply, maybe to sympathize on my sentiments.

Well he too was leaving. Though with a purpose of studying, I don’t know how many hours he is going to work for his living. I pray to lord it doesn’t be like those we see here around the city shouting, "Kela, Shev, Sontala"- yes adolescents address them madhises. It was a cold afternoon, and we two were there probably for the last time- together. While enjoying each and every sip of the hot tea between my lips, and enjoying the vapour out of them I saw a madhise come out of the narrow street guiding his bicycle through the patchy- bumpy roads, shouting out of his veins with probably full volume of his capacity, "Kela, Shev, Sontala".

"There I don’t wish you to follow this when you reach there", I told him

"They have grocery stores, full of vegetables, fruits, anything you need man", he replied.

Suddenly during our chat, we saw the madhise talking to two school guys. I reckon- he seemed to be afraid of something. They had big backpacks, and those skinny-tight pants at around the calves, a tie tied around their necks. Well they sure were school kids. I didn’t know the cause of the madhise talking to them in such a fear, and the boys scolding him with offensive words. To understand the matter I went close to the situation and asked what had happened. The boys remained silent, giving me some fierce looks. The madhise on the other hand was telling me how the two guys looted a couple of his apples behind the net tearing them open. Well there was nothing I could do, beside ask the guys to pay for the apple since they had already taken a bite each. Instead they started on me, "Mind your own business" was what I got the reply. When my well-built friends came to the situation and asked, "What’s going on Vinod?" The two guys ran away. I sympathized on the loss of the poor madhise and asked him,

"Where do you come from?"

"My house is in Bihar, hajur", he told me.

"Why are you here then, aren’t you supposed to study when your parents are there?" I asked him.

"My mother is illiterate, and my father has already passed away. He was stabbed for some dirty money game. There is nobody who can earn except me, so I come here to sell these fruits which I myself buy, and take whatever I make to my house at Bihar for household expense", he replied.

"Well then let me contribute to your earning, sell me a kilo of your apples", I asked him.

I took the apples and paid him; he bowed to me and went pushing his old bicycle and shouting his veins off, "Kela, Shev, chahiye?"

Corruption has covered the whole sky above Nepal. Though our school teachers teach their kids good lessons on social science, we still are facing these sorts of problems. And these sorts of problems are not rare; they are commonly seen in every street, galli in the valley. Is this the empathy to life? Or is it that the government should consider taking Social Science out of the curriculum?

Celebrating Democracy Day

By VIJAYA KUMAR SIGDEL

The Falgun 7: I did not accept the present day status quo in Nepal as a real democracy and celebrated the Democracy Day with the same level of enthusiasm as I did last year or the previous years. I regret to say that my conscience does not allow me to do that. And I am impelled to ask my fellow countrymen to look into their own hearts for the answers to the following: why are we celebrating democracy in a country where there is no real democracy?

As our annual ritual, once again we are commemorating Democracy Day in Nepal. As one who has an abiding faith in the highest ideals of democracy, it would be dishonest for me not to admit that I had a great deal of hesitation in celebrating our Democracy Day this year, and called our 53rd Democracy Day.

The foundation of our democracy was the Constitution of 1990. Now this sacred document has been turned upside down. At best, it is just another piece of paper. I cannot pretend as if October 4th did not happen. I, for one, cannot pretend that the King has executive powers under our Constitution and still call it a democracy. He does not. The two words, constitutional monarchy, mean only one thing: the King does not interfere in politics. He only remains the country’s spiritual and moral leader.

I cannot pretend that I am living in a democracy when our Constitution is being trampled upon. It is hard for me to accept the fact that we do not have an elected prime minister and still call it a democracy.

I am mindful of the fact that our country is going through a profound crisis. We have all the problems we can think of – mindless violence unleashed by the terrorists, law and order problems, corruption, political indiscipline, a bankrupt economy and so forth.

But, I don’t believe that the solutions to dealing with these problems lie in giving our democracy a holiday. Nor I am disinclined to believe the King’s move helps the country at this critical hour or the institution of the monarchy we so revere in Nepal. To the contrary, the monarchy is weaker today than it was prior to the evening of October 4th. Our country is more divided today than it was then. Our problems are compounding. Pessimism overwhelms us. A pall of uncertainty hangs over our head.

I am not willing to accept the notion that what happened on the night of October 4th under the cover of darkness, was a minor incident and we should move on as if nothing happened. If I did that, I would be betraying the very cause I so cherish. I cannot celebrate democracy with a full heart unless our democratic Constitution and institutions are fully restored and that we have an elected government.

I cannot be satisfied with crumbs when I am entitled to a full loaf. I cannot be satisfied with empty words and platitudes when I am deprived of my fundamental rights to choose a government, and our elected government is summarily dismissed. I cannot honestly say we have a democracy when we don’t. If I did that it would be a folly. I must, like Tacitus, fearlessly point out that "You made a desert and called it a peace."

I am sad that I cannot celebrate what should be a momentous day without reservation. I am sad that I cannot celebrate our Democracy Day with all the trappings of marching bands, pomp and ceremony.

For too long, the Nepalese people have been deprived of a dignified life: Indignities of crushing poverty, disease, hunger, illiteracy, injustice, discriminations and lack of good education forever haunt us. In the midst of it all, I, like all Nepalese, am deprived of the basic liberty to choose my own government, to choose my political destiny.

I am sorry that I cannot accept the status quo and call it a democracy. My conscience simply does not allow me to celebrate this Democracy Day in Nepal with a full heart and reverence.

Instead of a celebration, this Democracy Day will be a solemn occasion for me and for my countrymen. Particularly this day, we must remember those men and women who sacrificed their lives for our freedom. They preferred to die standing tall rather than live on bent knees.

Even though, I cannot quite celebrate Democracy Day, I want to proudly celebrate the lives of our beloved heroes. These martyrs gave up their lives so that we could live in liberty. Today, we must reaffirm that their spirit lives on. Their dreams of liberating the Nepalese people live on. Democracy is our only hope and salvation and there is no alternative.

I must restate that the greatest souls of our land, our martyrs and heroes will not be forgotten. That the cause for which they died did not die with them. It still lives on – evermore vividly. We will reach our destiny – a sweet land of liberty, if not today, then tomorrow.

We must move on with optimism. We must move on with faith. There is reason for optimism. At the height of the communists’ totalitarianism, John F. Kennedy reminded Khrushchov, "Free people do not accept the historical inevitability for the communist revolution. The great revolution in the history of man, past, present and future, is the revolution of those determined to be free." Despite the difficulties we face, it is not a starless midnight in Nepal. For, we know, the darker the night, brighter the stars we see up in heaven.

In our recent history, we saw two bright stars being born in Nepal. One was Mohan Bahadur Khatry, who retired from the army, went home, started a small business and soon became a godsend to his community. The entire village became his own family. He helped to run the school, took care of the sick, and helped the needy. For a brief moment, people in his village lived a dream-come-true life. Faced with the Maoists’ constant threat, intimidation and extortion, he still chose to continue living in his beloved village. Ultimately, his life was cut short by the terrorists. A few days before he passed away, this is what he told a reporter when asked what made him go on, "The people are my strength."

Captain Dinesh Thapa, who has reached the kingdom of martyrdom and heroes, died valiantly in defending the airport in Okhaldhunga. Against overwhelming odds, he found a way to repulse the terrorists’ attack. He was able to save the life of every soldier under his command, but, unfortunately, not his own. Before he died, he had confidently expressed the hope that we could defeat terrorism. God! I only wish You had not taken his life so soon.

These two young men are in God’s hands now. Knowing what we know about them, they are probably pleading with the almighty right now for our success and our happiness here on this planet.

These two men will forever remain as brightest stars in our mental sky. They will inspire us to do the right thing until we reach eternity.

For the second time in our history, democracy in Nepal has received a cruel blow. Democracy became a victim because it did not find enough defenders. We did not apply our best efforts to build enough pillars of democracy during those last twelve years. This is a lesson we can forget at our own peril.

Ancient Japanese wisdom teaches us, "If we fall seven times, we should stand up eight times." We all must work very hard to make democracy a reality in Nepal again. It won’t be easy. The road is long and tortuous. The enemies of democracy are too powerful in our country. But we cannot and must not give in.

Democracy must be restored and will be restored. On this eventful day, we can all pledge that we can help Nepal shine better with all her scintillating beauty. We have the most beautiful country, only if we realize.

Wanted: Better drivers to run green buses across Nepal

Surendra Phuyal

We are beginning to see light at the end of the tunnel, with former Minister for Population and Environment Minister P.L. Singh telling us that he has managed to convince the European Union officers in Kathmandu into reviving trolley buses in the capital city. For their part, the EU officials are said to be keenly working to revive trolley buses in the city. First introduced in 1975, the now-garaged trolley bus service was first and only one of its kind in South Asia.

They may have been garaged for now, but the trolley buses continue to stand as the true symbol of Nepal-China friendship and co-operation. Had it not been for the Chinese assistance – technical and financial - worth Rs 40 million, the electric-powered buses would not have run along the 13-kilometres Tripureshwor-Suryabinayak section of the Araniko (Chinese-made) Highway for so many years. Thanks to rampant corruption, mismanagement and frequent political and bureaucratic meddling, the trolley bus system came to a grinding halt after 27 years.

In December 2001, the then government decided to close down Nepal Transport Corporation (NTC), which operated the trolley buses. But months after the NTC was closed down, private parties were knocking the government’s door, thick proposals to revive the non-smoking means of public transport in their hands. But the big question is this: will the trolley buses begin to ply the streets of Kathmandu once again? Everyone is keeping her/his fingers crossed.

And the revival should not be a big problem. In 1999, CEMAT Consultants Ltd carried out a study at the behest of Winrock International. The report says that the trolley bus system can be put back into operation with the investment of just Rs 30.84. And all that needs to be done is the rehabilitation and procurement of essential equipment such as tower crane, service trucks, vehicles, office equipment etc. A fleet of ten trolley buses can be operated with slight maintenance to meet the immediate need while the rest will take some time, it concludes.

The report has recommended three models for the revival of the trolley buses. The first model envisages privatisation by sale according to government privatisation procedures as per Privatisation Act 1994. The second model, which has been proposed as a feasible one, envisages a consortium of municipalities (COM) including Kathmandu, Madhyapur-Thimi and Bhaktapur. The municipalities would take over the unit from the government and could lease the unit out on a long-term lease to private operator, who will also be responsible for rehabilitation of entire system and operating all the 22 trolley buses.

Consider the timing. Longing for greenery and green products is sweeping the world. Urban planners, green party workers, leaders and city mayors the world over are exploring ways to make their cities better. Reasons are obvious. Cities are reeling from the side effects of the ever-growing populations. Dirt and garbage, contamination of water, and industrial and vehicular pollution are posing a serious threat to public health. The problems are for all to see, and everywhere - from Cape Town to Kathmandu, Manila to Mumbai, and London to Lahan.

That may be the reason why there is so much clamour for green or eco-friendly products around the world. In London, authorities announced this week that they would soon start levying congestion tax from all fossil fuel-run vehicles. But those powered by alternative, or green, energy would be spared. This is a welcome step that should go a long way in discouraging the ‘smoke-spewing monsters’ from the streets of our cities. This is something, mayors, municipal authorities as well as road-users in this part of the world should start emulating and following.

Because our cities are witnessing quite uncontrolled and haphazard growth, at stake are the sources of our drinking water, the food we eat, the air we breathe, the noise we hear, and the entire ecosystem of which each one of us is an inseparable part. As a matter of fact, the situation is already bad in South Asia. For example, in Kathmandu, air pollution level is several times higher than the World Health Organisation (WHO) recommended level. The denizens like you and me are used to inhaling and exhaling the particulate matters and carbon monoxide that are so common in the air we breathe.

Every morning, dozens of youngsters as well as elders come out of their houses, jog or walk around, and return home to prepare themselves to face the challenges of yet another brand new day. But little do we know that the poisoned air is not letting us improve our physical vigour and vitality. The problem turns even more chronic as we drive toward offices on cars and motorbikes. It seems like every new day we are getting up to accumulate more poisons in our mouths, nostrils, lungs and even blood.

But hopes were high in 1999 when the then State Minister of Population and Environment Bhakta Bahadur Balayar dared to stand up and roll up his sleeves. Immediately after swearing in, he decided to wage a war on pollution. The plain-speaking politician from Khaptad region resolved to implement a Cabinet decision that sought to clean up the quality of air of the Kathmandu Valley. His first targets were the diesel-powered three wheelers called Bikram tempos. Entrepreneurs protested against the decision vehemently. But that didn’t help much. In the end, the Vikrams had to bid adieu once and for all.

But no such thing as a miracle has happened in the following days, months, or years. In 2001, the government, specifically the MOPE, decided to ban all vehicles older than 20 years from the Valley. But it backtracked at the eleventh hour, apparently bowing to intense pressure from transport entrepreneurs and, needless to say, the capital’s nouveaux riche. The indecision is unlikely to be revoked anytime soon, so what can be concluded is this: much of the post-Bhakta Bahadur Balayar period has remained environmentally disastrous for Nepal.

After the report came out in 1999, many potential private parties were looking into the possibilities to step into the scene and earn hefty profits. In a country where private transport entrepreneurs can become millionaires, if not billionaires, within five years with a fleet of just about a dozen night bus, dreams of earning profits from electric-powered trolley buses do not seem inconceivable. The dreams can come true. And the European Union officials can become better facilitators.

Reviving trolley buses – and consequently promoting them across the length and breadth of the country – can go a long way in reducing urban air pollution in our cities and towns. Once that begin to happen, we will no longer need to wholly depend on expensive and diminishing fossil fuel from the Gulf. Our snow-fed rivers have the vast potential for hydropower generation, and we are already in process of generating more hydroelectricity from our rivers. If SAFA tempos can earn hefty profits, why can’t SAFA trolley buses? All we need is better drivers and managers.

Culture of peace for children

On any given day, more than 20-armed conflicts are being fought around the world, most of them in poor countries. In the past decade alone, 2 million children were slaughtered, 6 million were seriously injured or permanently disabled and 12 million were left homeless. It is estimated that between 80 to 90 per cent of people who die or are injured in conflict are civilian, mostly children and their mother. In the last decade of the 20th century, over a million children were orphaned or separated from their families because of armed conflict.

An estimated 300,000 children worldwide are still participating in armed combat. The fact shows that our world was not free of war and armed conflict in the last decade. And even today many countries along with Nepal are also not free from armed conflict since 1996 that is violating child rights to survival, protection and development.

It is a fact that internal armed conflicts are adversely affecting the children in Nepal. According to the figures compiled by CWIN, 146 children, 40 girls and 106 boys were killed and nearly 100 were seriously injured in the Maoist related violence between February 1996 and December 2002. Among the dead, 44 died due to landmines and bomb explosions. And, both insurgency and anti-insurgency campaigns have rendered over 4,000 children homeless and 2000 orphans. It has also been recorded that thirty per cent of the Maoist cadres are children.

But, the statistics reveal the escalating encroachment of child rights in every aspect of child rights, such as their rights to survival, protection, development and participation. The alarming situation of children stresses on the need to establish peace in Nepal for children’s overall development, especially to ensure child rights in practical.

In this connection, we had made a commitment 12 years ago that to work carefully to protect children from the scourge of war, and to take measures to prevent further armed conflicts for a peaceful and secure of our children; to promote the values of peace, understanding and dialogue in education of children. That the essential needs of children and families must be protected even in times of war and in violence-ridden areas and ask that periods of tranquility and special relief corridors be observed for the benefit of children, where war and violence are still taking place. The commitment was made on the World Declaration on the Survival, Protection, and Development of Children, agreed to at the World Summit for Children 1990.

The children world over are innocent, vulnerable and dependent. They are also curious, active, and full of hope. Their time should be one of joy and peace, of playing, learning and growing. Their future should be shaped in harmony and co-operation. Their lives should mature, as they broaden their perspectives and gain new experiences. That is why, the time has come for us to develop culture of peace instead of culture of war and violence in Nepal. And, the culture of peace can be developed through the promotion of education, sustainable economy and social development, human rights including child and women rights, gender equality, democratic participation, understanding, tolerance, solidarity, flow of information, communication and knowledge, international peace and security.

As defined by the United Nations, the culture of peace is, a set of values, attitudes, modes of behaviour and way of life that reject violence and prevent conflicts by tackling their root causes to solve problems through dialogue and negotiation among individuals, groups and nations.

In the UNESCO’s vision a culture of peace is not the absence of differences or conflicts; it is characterized by diversity, pluralism, dialogue and compromise. Differences are to be understood and respected, and conflict, rather than leading to violence, is seen as an opportunity for learning and transformation. The culture of peace must promote intercultural dialogue, understanding and tolerance in order to create harmony, wholeness and well being in all human relationships.

According to the Michael G. Wessells "the culture of peace programme is the view that cooperation across many levels of society and in diverse enterprises—business, education, health care, the arts and security protection—is essential for healing the wounds of war, for preventing destructive conflict in the future and for promoting sustainable development"

It is important to note that this action for a culture of peace is intrinsically linked to democracy and development; without justice there cannot be peace. A culture of peace cannot be achieved through authoritarian, hierarchical processes that deny democratic participation. It must be a process in which all are fully engaged.

The culture of peace for children is only possible only when child rights are respected. The essence of child rights is not different from the Culture of Peace. Child rights are also about equality, opportunity, freedom, democratic participation and to life of dignity and self-esteem. It is also about tolerance, harmony and integrity. Rights based approach always stands for positive peace and construction of peace.

This culture of peace must grow out of the beliefs and actions of the people themselves and develop in our own country within our specific historical and socio-cultural context. It needs to be constructed from the ground up, on the basis of practical actions both of the local and community, as well as changes in values and attitudes. It is not an easy way to achieve local to national peace and we have to recognize the fact that we are facing many conflicts—gender, religious, class, caste, clan ethnicity, faith and others.

Now is the right time to discuss about culture of peace and child rights at a time when a hope of peace has risen with the declaration of cease-fire. And those voicing for child rights should not only hope for someone to bring peace. Rather, they should initiate interactions to advocate the culture of peace for children. Civil society and organizations working in the field should now revitalize their efforts. But, in the process one should not forget the possible and appropriate role of children’s participation in taking decisions affecting their lives.

The great trans-Atlantic media divide

PAUL KRUGMAN

There has been much speculation about why Europe and the United States are suddenly at such odds. Is it about culture? About history? But I haven’t seen much discussion of an obvious point: We have different views partly because we see different news.

Let’s back up. Many Americans now blame France for the chill in U.S.-European relations. There is even talk of boycotting French products.

But France’s attitude isn’t exceptional. The huge demonstrations on Saturday confirmed polls that show deep distrust of the Bush administration and skepticism about an Iraq war in all major European nations, whatever position their governments may take. In fact, the biggest demonstrations were in countries whose governments are supporting the Bush administration.

There were big demonstrations in America too. But distrust of the United States overseas has reached such a level, even among America’s British allies, that a recent British poll ranked the United States as the world’s most dangerous nation - ahead of North Korea and Iraq.

So why don’t other countries see the world the way Americans do? News coverage is a large part of the answer. Eric Alterman’s new book, "What Liberal Media?" doesn’t stress international comparisons, but the difference between the news reports Americans and Europeans see is a stark demonstration of his point. At least compared with their foreign counterparts, the "liberal" U.S. media are strikingly conservative - and in this case hawkish.

I’m not mainly talking about the print media. There are differences, but the major national newspapers in the United States and Britain at least seem to be describing the same reality.

Most people, though, get their news from television - and there the difference is immense. The coverage of Saturday’s anti-war rallies was a reminder of the extent to which U.S. cable news, in particular, seems to be reporting about a different planet than the one covered by foreign news organizations.

What would someone watching cable news have seen? On Saturday, news anchors on Fox described the demonstrators in New York as "the usual protesters" or "serial protesters." CNN wasn’t quite so dismissive, but on Sunday morning the headline on the network’s Web site read "Anti-war rallies delight Iraq," and the accompanying picture showed marchers in Baghdad, not London or New York.

This wasn’t at all the way the rest of the world’s media reported Saturday’s events, but it wasn’t out of character. For months both major U.S. cable news networks have acted as if the decision to invade Iraq has already been made, and have in effect seen it as their job to prepare the American public for the coming war.

So it’s not surprising that the target audience is a bit blurry about the distinction between the Iraqi regime and Al Qaeda. Surveys show that a majority of Americans think that some or all of the Sept. 11 hijackers were Iraqi, while many believe that Saddam Hussein was involved in Sept. 11, a claim even the Bush administration has never made. And since many Americans think that the need for a war against Saddam is obvious, they think that Europeans who won’t go along are cowards.

Europeans, who don’t see the same things on television, are far more inclined to wonder why Iraq - rather than North Korea, or for that matter Al Qaeda - has become the focus of U.S. policy. That’s why so many of them question American motives, suspecting that it’s all about oil or that the administration is simply picking on a convenient enemy it knows it can defeat. They don’t see opposition to an Iraq war as cowardice; they see it as courage, a matter of standing up to the bullying Bush administration.

There are two possible explanations for the great trans-Atlantic media divide. One is that European media have a pervasive anti-American bias that leads them to distort the news, even in countries like Britain where the leaders of both major parties are pro-Bush and support an attack on Iraq. The other is that some U.S. media outlets - operating in an environment in which anyone who questions the administration’s foreign policy is accused of being unpatriotic - have taken it as their assignment to sell the war, not to present a mix of information that might call the justification for war into question. .So which is it? I’ve reported, you decide.

International Herald Tribune
First day at central department

SMRITI JAISWAL

My heart beat a little irregular ly, my mind was unusually occupied. I was worried about the kind of impression I would make, the sort of picture I would cut. I also felt a little defensive about my gender, a little protective towards my age. Just the other day a few senior female teachers had given me an orientation class insisting I wear saree to class "The boys will turn nasty if you show up in Salwaar Kurta, they might even judge you as incompetent. Things might get rather rough around here," they had said. So as I walked on I was conscious of having violated their advice, of having stuck to wearing Salwaar Kurta. The first thing I noticed as I took a turn towards the classrooms was the field dotted haphazardly with students carelessly waiting for some further signal. They were as new to the place as I was. I knew nobody noticed me, I mingled perfectly with the crowd, yet my over sensitive brain was excruciatingly alive, I imagined all sorts of responses from that careless crowd which was actually very blind towards me. I walked hurriedly, with my head bent, almost like a blinkered horse unable to turn left or right.

How hard it was for me, those first moments, how much suspense was condensed into it. I had been to the Central Department a few times while still an MA student but the place was still pretty much an alien to me. A firmly rooted PK-ite – that was me. After a few adventurous visits to the high and mighty Central Department I had taken to my heels and never returned. And yet, even then, I had been very aware of it, very alive to its existence. For me, as for all my friends at PK, the Central Department was like a huge heart, we had out blood pumped in from there; and it was a place of tremendous activities, the hub. In our own cut off campus we had heard of the four massive sections holding 200 students each, of students sitting on window sills, leaning against walls, crawling along the aisles. We had been equally impressed and repulsed by the picture. We had heard of their unusual talent and their honest dedication. It was all very fascinating for the twenty of us reading poetry over cups of tea. We even discussed them over cups of tea, giggling in hypothesis. Everything was a hypothesis, after all our knowledge was so pathetically second hand.

And then came the major lambaste – one ordinary day, a day like any other we heard of the inconceivable arson. The Central Department of English had been burnt down by its students! How horrific, how terrifying, how bewildering and disheartening was that shock. This time we stammered in hypothesis, questioned and argued and sought solutions. It touched us even though it didn’t, it touched our concept of the place. A lot of how-s and why-s and what-s bounced around. For a while the values of the entire English faculty seemed to have come under scrutiny, even those who hardly had definite ideas about it had to be at the defensive. We were all always arguing, either for or against the act, but arguing everywhere.

And that was the picture I carried in my heart as I prepared to take my first class of the Central Department student – a gang of belligerent, unforgiving, uncompromising vandals ready to set aflame all they disapproved. And I wasn’t too glad about having two hundred vandals crammed in a room.

It was a relief to me when our Head of the Department offered to help me out with the introductory class. All I had to do was stand by his side silently, letting him do all the hard work; just listening to him. He had quite a few things to say – something about the purpose of literature, something about sensitivity, something about poetry. He asked the class in general if anyone amongst them wrote poetry. There was no response, in fact there was a sharp silence of awkwardness. This was a new batch, perhaps no one had ever put forward such questions to them before. Then one hand went up: "I write poetry sometimes." Then another: "Me too." Then another. Little similes were beginning to appear everywhere, even our HOD who is pretty stern otherwise had broken into a winning smile.

So we have poets amongst us, I thought. So we have students eager to study a subject considered impractical to the extreme. We have here boys and girls with little interest in monetary gains or powerful chairs. We have lovers of art, and by implication lovers of peace and beauty. We have sensitive souls. These are not vandals, these are like every other humans reactive machines. It all depends on which button gets touched. One chord and there is poetry, another and a torch raised to burn to cinders.

I was suddenly glad that they were so many, suddenly glad about being there. I calculated to myself – if their number should double from eight hundred to sixteen hundred, it would mean sixteen hundred lovers of peace and beauty, to a wanted harmony. It would mean that many challenge to my human ability to produce poets or vandals.