A grave decision

KOFI A ANNAN

The Charter of the United Na tions is categorical. "In or der to ensure prompt and effective action by the United Nations," it confers on the Security Council "primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security".

That responsibility can seldom have weighed more heavily on the members of the Council than it does this week. Within the next day or two, they have to make a momentous choice.

The context of that choice is an issue whose importance is by no means confined to Iraq: the threat posed to all humanity by weapons of mass destruction. The whole international community needs to act together to curb the proliferation of these terrible weapons, wherever it may be happening.

But the immediate and most urgent aspect of that task is to ensure that Iraq no longer has such weapons. Why? Because Iraq has actually used them in the past, and because it has twice, under its present leadership, committed aggression against its neighbours – against Iran in 1980, and against Kuwait in 1990.

That is why the Security Council is determined to disarm Iraq of these weapons, and has passed successive resolutions since 1991 requiring Iraq to disarm.

All over the world, people want to see this crisis resolved peacefully. They are alarmed about the great human suffering that war always causes, whether it is long or short. And they are apprehensive about the longer-term consequences that this particular war might have.

They fear that it will lead to regional instability and economic crises; and that it may – as war so often does – have unintended consequences that produce new dangers. Will it make the fight against terrorism or the search for peace between Israelis and Palestinians, even harder? Will it sow deep divisions between nations and peoples of different faiths? Will it compromise our ability to work together in addressing other common concerns in the future?

Those are serious questions, and the answers must be carefully considered.

Sometimes it may be necessary to use force to deal with threats to the peace – and the Charter makes provision for that. But war must always be a last resort. It should be used only when every reasonable alternative has been tried – in the present case, only if we are sure that every peaceful means of achieving Iraq’s disarmament has been exhausted. The United Nations, founded to "save succeeding generations from the scourge of war", has a duty to search for a peaceful solution until the last possible moment.

Has that moment arrived? That is the decision that the members of the Security Council now face.

It is a grave decision indeed. If they fail to agree on a common position and some of them then take action without the Council’s authority, the legitimacy of that action will be widely questioned, and it will not gain the political support needed to ensure its long-term success, after its military phase.

If, on the other hand, the members of the Council can come together, even at this late hour, and ensure compliance with their earlier resolutions by agreeing on a common course of action, then the Council’s authority will be enhanced, and the world will be a safer place.

Let’s remember that the crisis in Iraq does not exist in a vacuum. What happens there will have a profound impact on other issues of great importance. The broader our consensus on how to deal with Iraq, the better the chance that we can come together again and deal effectively with other burning conflicts in the world, starting with the one between Israelis and Palestinians. We all know that only a just resolution of that conflict can bring any real hope of lasting stability in the region.

Beyond the Middle East, the success or failure of the international community in dealing with Iraq will crucially affect its ability to deal with the no less worrying developments on the Korean peninsula. And it will affect our work to resolve the conflicts that are causing so much suffering in Africa, setting back the prospects for stability and development that that continent so badly needs.

Nor is war the only scourge that the world has to face. Whether they are protecting themselves against terrorism or struggling against the grim triad of poverty, ignorance and disease, nations need to work together, and they can do so through the United Nations. However this conflict is resolved, the UN will remain as central as it is today. We should do everything we can to maintain its unity.

All around the world, these last few months, we have seen what an immense significance not only States, but their peoples, attach to the legitimacy provided by the UN, and by the Security Council, as the common framework for securing peace. As they approach their momentous decision this week, I hope the members of the Council will be mindful of this sacred trust that the world’s peoples have placed in them, and will show themselves worthy of it.

(The author is Secretary-General of the United Nations)

NAM’s quest for new identity

BEENA KHAREL

To the discerning, it was a fore-gone conclusion that the 13th Summit of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) would just be a verbal volley. The Summit was wrapped up without making any mark in world politics and economic affairs. For one, it failed to take any tough action against the possibility of an American-led war on Iraq. The other day Malaysian Foreign Minister "hoped" that six non-permanent members of the UN Security Council, which are also NAM members, would reject a new UN resolution, drafted by the US, Britain and Spain for a military strike on Iraq.

India and Pakistan attempted to dominate the Summit by bringing up the Kashmir issue. However, the "sideshow" managed to be sidelined.

Embroiled in a raft of crises within the grouping, NAM is struggling to retain its relevance in a largely unipolar world. Even after forty-three years since its inception at the Bandung Conference, this grouping seems to be confused: To follow US policy (openly without mincing words) or take an independent stand on crucial international issues? Those who "see and experience" any effective role of NAM in resorting to empty rhetoric can— to put it bluntly—stew in their own juice.

Passive spectator

The Movement earned a reputation of a passive spectator and bad crisis manager when it failed to avert the Iran-Iraq War in the 1980s. Millions of people died, not to talk of the ensuing catastrophic humanitarian crisis triggered by the eight-and-a-half-year-long war. Nor was its role in Afghanistan and Indochina any better. An array of foreign powers— from former Soviet Union in 1979 to Pakistan, the US and the UK till 2001— meddled in Afghanistan, but NAM could not extend its hand to defuse a crisis that culminated in a full-blown war. No forceful voice was raised; no hardened movement was launched.

Despite its standing as the largest multi-national grouping outside the United Nations, NAM’s failure to take on the US was predictable. Other problems such as North Korea’s withdrawal from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, violence in the Middle East and the crisis of governance in Latin America continue to challenge the grouping.

In the post-Cold War period, the "non-aligned" philosophy has eroded as numbers increased, thanks to the indiscriminately issued membership. East Timor and St Vincent are the new entrants, raising the highly disparate grouping’s numerical strength to 116.

Cuba, aligned with the Soviet bloc, took leadership in 1979. At the 13th NAM Summit in Kuala Lumpur, Cuba was chosen to host the 2006 NAM Summit. Malaysia was nominated to host the recently concluded Summit after Bangladesh declined to do so.

NAM Declaration

"With the end of the Cold War, the emergence of unipolarity, the trend towards unilateralism and the rise of new challenges and threats, such as international terrorism, it is imperative for the Movement to promote multilateralism, better defend the interests of developing countries and prevent their marginalisation, " reads the Declaration of the 2003 Summit of NAM.

The Movement represents most developing and Least Developed Countries. In utter disregard to the economic backgrounds of its member states, the forum is miles behind in making any contribution to mutual cooperation and economic prosperity. Confronted with an identity crisis, the Movement is making its presence as nothing more than a Cold War relic. In the face of its waning worthiness, reinventing NAM as an economic grouping is the only option to prop up its significance and to make it an influential voice in this era of globalisation.

Start with structural changes, scrutiny of the would-be members and proper coordination among the regional economic forums within NAM to meet the challenges of globalisation and to establish a more equitable world order, say the discerning. The roles of SAARC and ASEAN, for instance, need to be redefined and performed in a broader perspective of a mega grouping like NAM and the World Trade Organisation.

The Declaration further reads, "With increased globalisation and the rapid advance of science and technology, the world has changed dramatically. The powerful countries exercise an inordinate influence in determining the nature and direction of international relations, including economic and trade relations, as well as the rules governing these relations, many of which are at the expense of the developing countries."

Advocates of globalisation acknowledge that it inflicts pains on developing and Least Developed countries at the initial stage, but not at the subsequent stages. But the question is how the poor nations already wounded by gnawing hunger, chronic disease, squalour and illiteracy can endure the "initial" pain unleashed by the forces of globalisation. In other words, it’s like asking a wounded man to get ready for more painful wounds.

In this perceived global village, no country, big or small, can remain far away from "global" affectations. Therefore, NAM’s significance as an economic enclave has enlivened more than ever. Arming weaker economies against the onslaught of globalisation, preparing them for integration into the new "world order" and voicing the cause of the "have-nots" are the main areas where NAM will be helpful.

Another line in the six-page Declaration pledges to "enhance South-South Cooperation." Of course, such cooperation should begin "at home," and is fundamental to establishing North-South cooperation for bridging the rich-poor divide. Only then would UN General Secretary Kofi Annan’s appeal for an "urgent and concerted action to address common threats through multilateral actions" translate into reality.

All in all, the relevance of NAM lies in its role as a strong economic forum. The onus of reviving, reinventing and making the Movement relevant in the twenty-first century lies on the so-called assertive voices— Malaysia and Cuba— and the rest. Or, if it were too tall an order for NAM members, then it would be prudent to accord NAM a decent burial in this world already overcrowded with groupings bearing various NAMES.

Prospects of social health insurance

SUJEET KARN

The promotion of health care services crucially depends on economic, cultural and political policies and practices on the health front. In recent years, there has been a widespread reappraisal on available health services and the appropriate role of the state in health care in Nepal. Since last few years, it has been observed that more sophisticated governmental interventions in the health sector is required in the country.

Though the emphasis given to the development of the health sector in the past has nonetheless resulted in significant progress in the extension and expansion of basic health services and medical care. In 1996, approximately 45 percent of the households had access to a health post within a travel time of 30 minutes, and three out of five households consulted health practitioners during illness. The reach of public health institutions has been extended to the Village Development Committee (VDC) level; the community level sub-health post and primary health care centre has been included in the health network; around 117 primary health centres and 75 public hospitals are functioning in various regional and district headquarters. Eleven districts, however, still do not have a public
hospital.

Despite the expansion, a notable point is that most public health institutions are still ill-equipped and inadequate in number.

In recent past, government’s willingness to introduce social health insurance could be an optimistic move towards revising the health care policy. Health insurance is financed by the state as either the main or a supplementary to the funding mechanism. The access to health care services will be guaranteed this way and the sustainability and affordability of care by minimising costs is maintained.

The trend of insuring people for health care has been introduced 100 years ago in Germany. Its implementation had been mostly limited to the West till a few years ago. In Nepal, the effort was made in 1978 to introduce the scheme. The United Mission to Nepal launched a pre-payment scheme in six health posts in Lalitpur district while the British Medical Trust launched two cost-sharing schemes in a few districts in eastern Nepal. The Integrated Hill Development Project was the other project to initiate a pre-payment health insurance scheme at the micro-level. Terhathum district and the Netherlands Leprosy Relief Project launched a similar project jointly with the government, but they failed to continue due to the lack of health awareness among the people.

At present, the BP Koirala Institute of Health Sciences in Dharan has been running the health insurance scheme for the people of eastern Nepal since three years, with total coverage of 8,076 people of Sunsari and Morang districts.

Insurance has been a system of health financing which provides mutual support. People with higher incomes and at low risk support those at higher risk and with lower incomes. It has an element of protection in terms of risk sharing. The insured population is entitled to health services—not only primary health care but also tertiary level health care services.

Of course, to achieve the desired outcome, government must set health policy goals, devising frameworks for the funding and provision of services and ensuring that there are mechanisms to monitor the achievement of the goals. The government needs to identify the funding mechanism.

In fact, in a country like Nepal where nearly 40 percent of its population are required to pay a heavy price for their health needs, the government should be responsible to finance the primary health care. By introducing social health insurance, the improvement can be made. Setting up a social security fund or making contributions from the employers, employees and the state compulsory could finance the service. The other way is to increase the taxes. The health fund should be independent, but must work within a tight framework of regulations.

Social health insurance must be clearly viewed as a policy tool rather than an end in itself. It further requires a new mode of organising institutions along with the co-ordination with different sectors, so that it could reach the mass.

Several funding agencies finance for health. The internal funding agencies consist of government and private companies, and private households. The external agencies consist of external development partners and donors inclusive of multilateral and bilateral agencies, as well as international non-governmental organisations and religious/philanthropic missions.

Organised national level public efforts at the development of modern health services started in the mid -1990s. Significant steps were taken by successive governments to expand the public health network at various levels. The annual drug rations allocated to health posts are adequate for only three to six months. Medical personnel often remain absent from the rural based health institutions and even from regional and district hospitals. Equally important, there are little interactions and linkages among the public health institutions and local representative and other community level bodies. In fact, a linkage needs to be mandated in public health policies and a concrete policy to end such a situation is needed. Social health insurance can be the effective way to sort out the prevailing problems.

Play more cricket, tough cricket

SUMAN MALLA

An emphatic win in the trian gular Emerging Nations Cricket tournament has entitled Nepal to make a rightful claim to be honoured with the status of the fifth best cricket playing nation in the sub-continent.

While the tournament, held under the auspices of International Cricket Council (ICC), has surely provided cricketers here a much-needed shot of inspiration, at the same time though, it has also unveiled a new challenge before cricket officials.

The development of cricket in the country, over the last few years, has been phenomenal, especially in the youth level. After the failure of U-17 team in ACC Youth Championship in Pakistan in 2000, Nepal has had a propitious cricket journey starting with the U-19 team in the Youth World Cup in New Zealand.

Nepal U-19 surprised everyone scaling an unprecedented height reaching the final of the plate championship. Although the end result - loss to the Zimbabweans by 137 runs - may not have unfolded to its liking, Nepal proved its potential with seven wins in a trot, including two against Test playing nations: Pakistan and Bangladesh.

Nepal’s cricket joy hardly seemed to stop there. In July, the national team, under the captaincy of Raju Khadka, kept the country glued to cricket as they progressed to the final of fourth Asian Cricket Council (ACC) Trophy in Singapore. The team lost in the final to the United Arab Emirates but they accomplished their mission: secure a seat to the 2005 Asia Cup - the tournament that showcases all four Test teams of the sub-continent.

In the wake of these results, it is not entirely unusual for country’s cricket officials to press for ODI status in 2007 or some even went as far as saying Nepal would be the 12th country to reach the cricket’s most elite stage.

Their aspirations might have been fuelled by ICC’s new plan of action: a launch of the World Cup Qualifying Series guaranteeing a regular programme similar to the Davis Cup in tennis for the 27 affiliate members and 47 associate members.

Under the new system, Regional and World Group tournament will be held in every two years with the world’s developing cricket nations being split into four groups according to their ability. The main feature of the tournaments will be a provision for promotion and relegation at the end, which ensures reward to improving nations.

Owing to its string of outstanding performances, Kenya leads the World Group standing firmly atop Division One. Holland, Nambia, Canada, UAE and Scotland are other teams in the group. Nepal has been pitted against Ireland, Denmark, USA, Bermuda and Uganda in Division Two. The inaugural World Group tournaments will kick off between July and October this year.

The World Cup Qualifying Series surely is a big opportunity leading up to the World Cup for emerging nations. But getting there will not be as easy. The teams have to be stronger, which is only possible through regular fixture with stronger oppositions.

As far the development of cricket goes, we have got most of the essential ingredients — the interest of the people, junior development programmes and talented players.

It was exciting to see the debut of the national league last year. However, not until the cricket officials reformat the league structure to quality first class games that we would see players coming from this competition gaining in enough maturity to cope with tough international assignments.

Cricket Association of Nepal (CAN) deserves credit for its emphasis on well-framed junior programmes ranging from Under-13 at school-level to Under-19 at the centres in five "cricket-development" regions. But in the absence of a follow-up programmes; strong domestic league in this case, even the junior programme, however outstanding it may be, would be futile at the end.

Besides, equal focus should be laid on frequent exchange of tours between the local teams and those from India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh to give much needed exposure to the local players.

In this regard, Marylebone Cricket Club (MCC)’s tour, which has been scheduled later this month, bears much significance. During their tour, the world’s oldest cricket team will play four fixtures, including two matches against the Nepali national side.

Like most of the MCC tours, the trip, planned in conjunction with ICC, holds the twin aims of increasing international interest in cricket and enabling Nepal to assess the extent of its recent cricketing progress.

It is too much of an ask to have such an high-profile side touring the country, but Nepal should be playing as many as matches possible with First Class teams from other countries of the sub-continent.

Country’s cricket community is abuzz that Percept D’Mark, CAN’s management partner in cricket promotion in Nepal, is bringing in one of the top state teams from India as part of its agreement. Playing against Indian teams, unlike playing with lesser oppositions from Maldives or Bhutan, Nepali sides may be elusive of wins. But regular exchange of tours with such formidable opposition will ultimately raise the standard of game in the country.