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By VIJAYA K SIGDEL After spending seven long years in the pits of hell, the Nepalese people are breathing a sigh of relief, thanks to a very shaky cease-fire. Yet, though there maybe calm in a few urban centers, the Maoist terror hasnt stopped in the rest of the countryside despite the signing of the so-called Code of Conduct that prohibits them from engaging in such activities. While bombings, murder and mayhem may have stopped, kidnappings, extortion and threats persist unabated. Thus, we are a long, long way from ending the Maoist violence and realising a true semblance of peace. Our lives received a devastating blow when the Maoist warlords opened the gates of hell in Nepal. We can only hope that the cease-fire will be permanent so that people can start painstakingly rebuilding their shattered lives. For those who have lost one of the nearly 8,000 loved ones, it wont be easy to go on. For others who lost whatever meager possessions and lifes savings they had, it wont be simple to rebuild a life from the rubble and ashes. Indeed, it will take a few generations to recover from the brutality and sadness that the people have endured. Now, to add insult to injury, Mr Pun, the mouthpiece of the unconstitutional regime, says that the people who have fought against the terrorists will be prosecuted for crimes against humanity. Frankly, it will be a cold day in hell before that happens. If anybody should be prosecuted to the fullest extent of the law, it is the Maoists who have committed unimaginable crimes in Nepal. Tragically, the power elite in Kathmandu took six years to recognise and respond to the horrific crimes being committed by the Maoists. They woke up to reality only after the Maoists made a strategic blunder by attacking an army post in Dang. By that time, the Maoists had already made the greatest leap forward in Nepal by being the biggest mass murderers in our history. The power elite, at the beginning, completely underestimated and ignored the Maoist threat and failed to take appropriate action. As a consequence, the Maoists had the opportunity to build a deadly force with very little effort, unleashing one of the worst crimes in the worlds history. The authorities are now overestimating the Maoist strength and believe that negotiation is the only option left. The Maoists may have succeeded in spreading terror and violence throughout the country, but they are nowhere near winning this war. They will never win the war through subversion, assassinations and bombing of public facilities. In order to succeed, they would require a fully equipped conventional army thats bigger than the Royal Nepal Army. In the meantime, the commanders of the death squads, to their necks with fellow citizens blood, are busy in Kathmandu pretending to be angels of peace, appealing everyone to create a "conducive environment" for a dialogue. No one, except them, knows what that means. If the Maoists were sincere in ending the violence through dialogue, they would present a realistic proposal that the people of Nepal could accept. We can never accept the demand they have put forth: an interim government and a constituent assembly. Let us not mislead ourselves, the Maoists are still trying to negotiate a deal while holding the people at gunpoint. Their belligerent attitude hasnt changed and they havent renounced violence. It is certain that they are trying to use their old familiar tactics of confusing and double-crossing us, and using the cease-fire as cover to prepare for future violence. As their most revered leader Lenin once declared, "Lying, deceit, and violence are justifiable means to bring about the end [objective] of a classless society." They will pretend to be real peacemakers for now, but refuse to negotiate in good faith later, walk off from the talk, and return to the killing fields. Every time the Maoists send out a teaser from their hideouts, the power elite in Kathmandu greets it with the most irrational exuberance. When the Maoists move a foot towards them, these people hurriedly march two feet towards the Maoists. Thus, they fall right into the Maoist strategy: two-steps forward, one-step backward. The present regime has proven that it only knows how to appease the Maoists; it doesnt have the strategy, courage or determination necessary to defeat them. After all, this power elite has no stomach for fighting for the freedom, justice, peace, security and honor of the Nepalese people. By all accounts, the existing regime in Kathmandu is in a Napoleon-like dilemma: "What a mess we are in now peace has been declared." It has no clue how to restore or negotiate a lasting peace after declaring a cease-fire. To deflect this conundrum, Mr Pun, on a daily basis, never fails to go on a tirade lambasting political leaders. Lately, he has even started accusing foreign elements of attempting to sabotage the peace process. Only he would know which foreign element it is. Meanwhile, Pun is too happy to take the Maoists on a joyride rather than sitting down for a hard negotiation. It is not clear why the Maoists have agreed to hold talks although they see no urgency in starting the impending peace talks immediately. One thing is for sure that our security forces were slowly tightening the noose around the Maoists. In addition, the international community has shown a real commitment to helping Nepal defeat terrorism. Another reason why the Maoists may have decided to hold talks is that they found a weak regime in Kathmandu. They may have concluded that they might be able to strike a deal in their favor with the present regime. Meanwhile, they are busy disseminating propaganda and quietly preparing for future attack. For them, this is the ultimate win-win situation. Already, the authorities have made too many concessions to the Maoists kingpins in the hopes of appeasing them. In return, the government has received no significant concessions from the Maoists. The Code of Conduct is long in rhetoric and short in substance. There was no deadline set when the talks would start. Instead, this regime is falling into the same trap that Deuba did. The Maoists want their comrades immediate release and the freedom to organise; they are not really interested in wasting time at the negotiating table. Therefore, we shouldnt be surprised that the Maoists are insisting upon their comrades release before starting a dialogue. If the government allows the Maoists to move and organise freely, they will have no reason to surrender their weapons, end the conflict peacefully and accept a democratic path. Moreover, most of those who have committed crimes should never be freed. The prosecution of these people must proceed unless a comprehensive peace agreement is reached. In that case, a general amnesty should be considered for a select few. Nepal cant fail to prosecute these people who have committed the most heinous crimes in Nepal. Hence there can never be peace without justice. We cant afford to purchase peace at any price. Neither the present regime nor the previous administrations understood that in violent conflicts they could negotiate only with strength. That strength lies in educating the people, getting their support, and building a strong security force. Without the threat of force and the backing of the people, no talk will succeed. As President John F Kennedy once warned, "If you want peace, we must prepare for war And while we believe not only in the force of arms, but in the force of right and reason, we have learned that reason does not always appeal to unreasonable men, that it is not always true that a soft answer turneth away wrath, and that right does not always make might." Unmistakably, we are dealing with people who have proven most vicious and unreasonable. In pursuit of their objectives, they are willing to destroy anything and kill anyone. The Maoists have violated every international and domestic norm. Reconciliation and cooperation are not in their character. They will continue to follow what they have learned all along by reading 1950s and 60s communists propaganda that came out of the Soviet Union and China, which glorifies violence. If one reads these materials, it is easy to understand why the Maoists were able to devalue humanity in Nepal. Can we really trust people who chop off the heads of their fallen comrades, carry off and dump them somewhere else so that no one would recognise them? The current regime lost half of the battle when it senselessly stated that the Maoists were not terrorists and that a political solution was the only answer. The government should have firmly declared in unequivocal terms all along that if the Maoists did not want to end the conflict peacefully, they would be disarmed with force and brought to justice. After all, our security personnel have repeatedly assured us that they could defeat the Maoists if provided with adequate resources. History is a glaring reminder that not every conflict is solved peacefully. Winston Churchill wrote, "How many wars have been averted by patience and persisting good will! How many wars have been precipitated by firebrands!" We cannot forever wait in chaos hoping that somehow and some way the Maoists cold hearts will start warming, show compassion, admit mistakes, and forsake violence. Their mindless violence is intended to end our democracy, our religion and our culture, and establish a totalitarian society. If this is not a battle worth fight for a thousand years if necessary, then what does our country stand for? By GUNESHWOR OJHA I was quite hopeful that things would take a positive turn in the days ahead when I heard the government decision to suspend the work permission for Nepalese youth seeking employment in Kuwait. I have heard that it is also considering a similar step in other Gulf countries, thanks to the ongoing war in Iraq. Forgetting for a while the flow of remittances and the services rendered to our fragile economy, I was overjoyed at the prospect of having our youth in our land and making them toil harder. I believed such a decision would bring a ray of hope to the disenchanted Nepalese who had been given a regular dose of false promises many a time by previous governments. Hopeful with hopes, thanks to the governments benevolent decisions, I embarked on a dreamy monologue. Things have just begun, I was telling myself. Let me forget the bitter past. At least this time, I must forget how our political leaders, until elections, assured us of a better life. Indeed, whatever they had promised for us transpired only in their lives. I should also forget how huge amount of foreign aid that flows as donations in poor peoples name disappear like streams of water in a desert. My thoughts ran at a high speed, quickening the pace of my monologue. Yes, the governments decision could set a model for the latter. Of course! What cant a government do that is devoted to the "nation and its people?" What we all need is patience, patience to witness things as they unfold in the future. The government might soon launch many employment-oriented projects. Afterwards, Nepalese will no longer have to struggle in foreign lands to earn bread for their family. We will be shedding our blood and toil in our own land and emerge as the happy people of a prosperous land! Unfortunately, the recent petro-hike came as a severe blow. The light in my heart went off, as I could not get the fuel to keep it alight because all the petrol pumps in the city failed to provide me with petro-products. Now, I hear that there is no dearth of petroleum products in the market following the price hike. And I am planning to light the lamp again. Anyway, one has to survive and everybody is endowed with the ability to dream. Thus, even in dark hours, I appeal to my brothers and sisters to derive joy by creating a new dreamy world each time it collapses as Rousseau says in The Free Mans Worship. By ARZU RANA DEUBA Ever since I was young I have been hearing of bhitrako (insider) and bahirako (outsider) mancheys (people). It was one of the ways my universe as a Nepali girl was organised. With the bhitrako being the accepted ones to establish social contacts and the bahirako the pariahs to be spoken to or quite diligently and led a life almost bereft of any social contacts with bahireas. Of course, this distinction was also followed by others for whom I was the bahirea. As I grew up the terms changed and became afno manchey (your own people: kith and kin, friends and neighbours). Anything good to be done was to be done for the afno mancheys. In a way it made sense, one trusts the people one knows. Maybe as far as social intercourse is concerned associating with afno mancheys is all right. After all the guthi system provides a good safety net and place for association. In the western world too the afno manchey system exists maybe in a much more organised and slightly more inclusive form. People form communities, communes, neighbourhoods, societies, clubs and associations of like-minded people. We in Nepal also do that at times. The Rotary, Jaycees, Lions clubs are some prime examples. Selective unification for fulfilling a specific social purpose has been a way of human life for centuries everywhere in the world. Mostly, successfully. However, on the other side of the coin is the politics of exclusion. Exclusion of the outsiders. The exclusion of those who dont quite belong. This exclusion is again quite organised. Organised around sex, caste, colour, race, ethnicity, language, religion, place of origin, et cetra. For a very long time, I did not realise how heavy a price we were/are paying as a country for this bhitrako/bahirako dichotomy of our society. But one learns fast if one works on womens issues in Nepal. It becomes easy to see the tip of this great big iceberg. Women are excluded from almost all the mainstream walks of national life. Consciously and even unconsciously. Right from small things such as the unconscious nonexistence of womens lavatories in government buildings to womens conscious legal exclusion in a number of areas. Even those as fundamental and vital as citizenship rights. But, the price for this systemic exclusion of women is being paid by everybody. Many of our mothers die and the children become orphans. As a result, the family home becomes unkempt and the extra income earned by the woman stops, pushing many a family below the poverty line. Our girls dont go to school and cannot in the future become healthy and able citizens. Who pays? Every one of us all the bhitreyas included. But we never seem to learn. All throughout my school days (the Panchayat times), I heard of the 104 years of dark times (andhakar ko samaya) the Nepalese had to live through due to the oligarchic Ranas who excluded everybody. (Boy! Did I have a tough time in history classes at school!) Then came 1990 and I started hearing about the 104 year andhakar ko samaya plus the 30 years of repressive partyless Panchayat system, which I then (in 1990) came to know had repressed and excluded a large number of people from participating in national life. The exclusion of the ordinary people still went on in these 12/13 years after the re-instatement of democracy. Even though, it must be acknowledged, with a more wider inclusion than ever before in Nepali history. Not only did the old parties (pre 2017 BS era) become active but also numerous new political parties were formed to represent the views of the here unto unrepresented and excluded people. The fruits of development and the services of the state became more spread out and accessible but still we had not learnt. The women, the dalits, the poor, the traditionally disadvantaged groups needs and voices were still not represented. And some very smart and privileged bhitreyas gave birth to the Maoist movement. Their movement has been successful enough for the state to acknowledge them as representative of unheard voices. However, with every attempt to become inclusive, our habit of exclusion has not changed. With every political change the politics of exclusion strengthens its hold on our land. During the Panchayat times the Ranas and their dependants were not only excluded, but even barred from living in Nepal for a long time. During the 12/13 years of the constitutional monarchy and multiparty democracy a number of the old guards, i.e., the bhitreyas of the Panchayat days were excluded and vilified. The monarchy was regarded with suspicion. Now again with the change in guard (for I do believe the Constitution of 1990 to all purposes has been suspended) again the habit of excluding some at the cost of including others persists. Now it is the turn of the post-1990 to 4 October 2002 era mainstream political parties to be disregarded and excluded. The tales of brahmin, chhetri domination and repression prevail. Corruption in high places is touted as the only gain of the 1990 to October 2002 era. There seems to be an almost tacit understanding that in the attempts to include and promote other groups these mainstream political players should become excluded. The prevalent logic in some vital quarters (both national and international) seems to go "as most of these mainstream political parties represent brahmin, chettri interests, lets keep them out of this equation". When are we ever going to learn to be inclusive but not at the cost of exclusion? When is the collective political leadership in this country and our ever-ready to support the latest trend international community partners ever going to realise that every individual born in Nepal is an equal citizen of the nation and excluding some means a loss for the state and the creation of a fertile ground for more trouble in the future? Why must every political change have negativism as a starting point? Why do we refuse to acknowledge what is staring us in our face? Why cant we as people analyse our ways of being and operating, accept it and say let us change? Why cant we count everyone who is a Nepali or even everyone who resides within our borders and contributes to the national economy as a bhitreya ? After all all the nations who have succeeded in the last 4 to 5 decades have done so based on the principles of inclusion, equity, and thus, real equality for all. Sometimes, I seriously think the rugged and mountainous terrain of our land, which limits our view of the horizon, also limits our ability to think laterally and have a large heart and a wider perspective. We as a nation and as a people (leaders and ordinary people alike) tend to dwell on petty issues and split hairs over small things, often missing the forest while counting the trees. It is a pity, a serious pity really, that despite all our abundant resources and our otherwise inherent good nature and ability for hard work, we the Nepalese always seem to be collectively taking one step forward and two steps back. When will this politics of exclusion become extinct in our country and we as a people of all sexes, castes, creed and shades move forward collectively for positive change? When? India loses, Bharats Ratna wins ANIL PANICKER The curtains have just dropped on the World Cup. For six weeks fans all across the globe, as the popular line goes, ate, drank and slept cricket. As the 14 teams slowly inched their way from one ground to another, it soon became crystal clear that this was one World Cup in which several Davids were going to slay Goliaths. And so it was as the star cast battled their way through the Super Six stage, that thanks to a deft combination of politics, luck and sheer good performances, a rank outsider like Kenya was able to have a shot at cricketing glory by bagging a chance to look India in the eye. It is another matter that Kenya blinked first in this semifinal non-contest and left the stage with an admirable dignity that received fulsome praise from the international cricketing fraternity. And with this the decks were cleared for the two best teams in the competition to set the Wanderers on fire. Alas, that was not to be and the awesome Aussies romped home in spectacular style, beating India by a margin that read like a Sachin Tendulkar score on a good day. Unfortunately, for him and the over 1.02 billion Indians, the Master Blaster went out to bat on one of his bad days and got out cheaply while attempting to pull a McGrath delivery that suddenly bounced shoulder length. And as fans of the men in blue have found out time and again, a bad day for Sachin more often than not translates into a bad day for India. Did Sachin play that shot a bit too early in the day ? Did his combative spirit take charge over his normally cool, reasoning and induce him to play such a reckless shot ? We may never know. But ask any Indian fan, and I may hasten to add their numbers are growing by the day and extend beyond the cricket crazy shores of the subcontinent, and they will tell you that single wicket of Sachin sealed Indias fate and almost gift wrapped the World Cup to the Australians. It dented the Indian morale to such an extent that thereafter all the other ten wickets fell like nine pins and in no time the world saw the daunting, haunting sight of captain Ponting lift the glittering trophy that he received from ICC chief Malcolm Gray. And with that went Indias dream to bring home the elusive Cup that Kapils Devils had last won decades ago. And with that also went Sachins chances to get a Bharat Ratna. Coming to South Africa after a disastrous tour of New Zealand and before that being belted badly by West Indies, even the most die-hard Indian fan never ever dreamt that India would ever progress to the Super Six stage, leaving alone meeting the formidable Aussies at Wanderers on March 23. Their disastrous performance against Holland in the opening match, followed by the drubbing they received at the hands of Lee and Co in the preliminary stage, had already convinced cricket lovers that the "men in blue" had no clue during the tournament. But then Sachin Tendulkar happened. Phoenix-like, he ran amok, and in the space of two, unbelievable knocks against England and Pakistan, he brought India back in contention and fired the imagination of his fans in India and all over the globe. The message was loud and clear: The master was back in business and hell hath no fury like a Sachin scorned. Like in all previous occasions, whenever he has entered a rough patch, the critics have not delayed to pull out their knives and attack him mercilessly. He has lost his hunger for runs, he has made so much wealth, that cricket no longer interests him, he is more interested in running around studios shooting for this ad or that, instead of running between the wickets - are some of the barbs that have been thrown at him by names quite big in cricketing circles. But as this tournament has shown, Sachin cares two hoots for these arm chair critics and lets his bat do all the talking. And pray, what a talk it was. In 11 innings, he scored an amazing World Cup record high of 673 runs, at an average of over 60, at strike rate of 90 and with six fifties and a ton of 152. An indication of his cricketing blitzkrieg can be gauged from the fact that the next best score stood way down at 465, that of his compatriot and captain Saurav Ganguly. None other than the worlds best all rounder Sir Garfield Sobers, after awarding Sachin with the player of the tournament, announced what all of us already knew, that Sachin Tendulkar is the worlds best batsman. But who will console the Indian parliamentarians, over 200 of whom had petitioned the president Dr Abdul Kalam Azad that Sachin Tendulkar should be given the Bharat Ratna, for preserving Indias honour and enhancing its image in the international world. Who will shed tears for these turncoat politicians who charted expensive planes to South Africa, booking entire high priced hotels and suites, to lend their considerable weight behind Sachin and Co, while the cricketers slogged it out in the field? The big question is: Will they still be as vociferous in their demand that Sachin be given the nations highest civilian honour or will they now take an about turn and let the matter rest until the next World Cup in 2007, when once again they can resume their non-stop chant, "Bharat Ratna for Bharat Ratna for Sachin". Come to think of it, do we need to blame these fair weather politicians, who earn their bread and butter by hitching their wagons onto a rising star? And boy, Sachin is no rising star. He is the sole genuine star to have shone with its brightness in the wide, celestial world. In an increasingly commercialised, materialistic, nation, fast falling into a cesspool of violence, green and inhumanity, Sachin Ramesh Tendulkar at five feet five inches, stands head and shoulders above the rest of the muck all around. Truly, an icon for all seasons. Blair fails to bond Britain to Europe or US ROY DENMAN Tony Blairs dreamland foreign policy has collapsed around his ears.From the start the British Prime Minister had two main objectives. One was to establish himself as the favourite ally of the American president, offering him unswerving support and in return gaining vast influence and acting as a bridge between the United States and Europe. The other was to play a leading role in Europe. A detached observer might have thought these two aims not easily compatible. But it was proclaimed that in both Blair was succeeding brilliantly. The American gambit has been played by every Prime Minister since Winston Churchill - except Edward Heath, the only European Prime Minister Britain has ever had. It has something for both sides. It is a powerful boost to a British Prime Ministers ego and it increases his stature both at home and abroad. And for a US administration it is a convenience to be able always to say that the United States is not alone; entirely of its own volition, a long-established ally is sensible enough to be doing exactly the same. This has always been a fiction that offers more to the British than to the Americans. And at times reality has broken through. When Churchill was re-elected in 1951 he sought to re-establish his old links with Dwight Eisenhower. The latter thought reliving the wartime days was grotesque. Eisenhower pulled the rug from under Anthony Eden over Suez. Margaret Thatcher was snubbed twice - when the United States invaded Grenada, a Commonwealth country, without telling her, and when her personal plea that a major contract to go to Britain rather than France was refused on the sensible grounds that the French bid was cheaper. Never has the fiction seemed so transparent as over Iraq. Bob Woodwards book "Bush at War" reveals the real reason for the American campaign against Iraq. This had nothing to do with the oppressive nature of Saddam Hussein or weapons of mass destruction. It was something much more basic. On Sept. 11, 2001, President George W Bush said to Vice President Dick Cheney, "Were going to find out who did this and kick their asses." No proof has ever been produced that Iraq was involved with the Sept. 11 attacks. But a massive act of retribution against some foreigners was needed. Much has been made of Blairs role in persuading Bush to get cover for this from the United Nations. But in 352 pages of Woodwards book there are only 8 short reference to Blair. The British draft of a second Security Council resolution, desperately desired by Blair, got only lukewarm support from a US administration fixated on war. And then Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld rewarded Blair for having moved a quarter of the British army to the Gulf with the wounding comment that they were not essential anyway. So the myth of British influence in Washington stands exposed as never before. But British influence in Europe is even less. Except for the Heath era, British influence has long been a disappointment to its European partners. Britain has never recognised that the aim of the whole European venture was a political union. Its aim throughout has been to protect its exports of marmalade and lawnmowers. It took some 20 years to join the first stage, the customs union. After 11 years it has still not decided whether to join the second, the Euro. The third, some form of political union, it continues to regard with derision. Britains choice between Europe and the United States cannot be postponed for much longer, however. Iraq has brought about an open break between the United States on one hand and France and Germany on the other. A newly imperious United States wants to know whether its allies are with it or against it. France and Germany, which will form the closely knit centre of the new Europe, will also want to know where Britain stands. So far the answer seems pretty clear. Britain has slavishly followed every twist and turn of American policy - and just to leave no possible doubt has heaped abuse on France for opposing a second UN Security Council resolution. All France was doing was voicing the opinion of the majority in the United Nations who saw no convincing reason for unleashing the first major war of the 21st century to suit an American military timetable and to gratify Bushs desire to "kick ass." If this is Britains final choice, however, it may fall in time to one of Blairs successors to reverse it. A Britain with no real influence either in the United States or in Europe would be a sad end to a long and distinguished history. Britain could make a substantial difference to the policy of an independent Europe. On the policies of the United States it would have all the impact of a cream pu on the Manhattan pavement. HIV/AIDS pose threat to mankind Santosh Pandey People all over the world have been talking of terrorism and the politicians are busy talking about the fight against it. People from all walks of life have been taken for a ride by talks on terrorist groups and their never-ending attacks. This has become rampant especially in the post-September 11-attack scenario in America. Yes, we got to accept the fact that we have very much focused on terrorism and why should not we? Given the fact that every day hundreds of people are being killed and thousands of children are being orphaned. But, we also should not forget the fact that there are other serious problems as well, one of which is the HIV/AIDS. How can we ignore the crisis, which have already claimed lives of more than 20 million people in less than 25 years? HIV/AIDS is an immunity-related disease, which vitiates the sufferers immunity, thus making him/her vulnerable to any other diseases. The spread of this disease is such that people nowadays hesitate to use endemic or epidemic to describe it; and they have started using pandemic. One would certainly confess its seriousness if he/she goes through the fact figures. The sub-Saharan Africa, the place where the disease was first identified, is the worst hit region where more than 28.5 million people are suffering. In 2001 alone, there were 3.5 million new infections. The total number of children orphaned due to the disease has reached 11 million. Similarly, in the Asia and Pacific region, the total number of infected people stands at 6.6 million and the number of new infections counted in 2001 was one million. In Eastern Europe and Central Asia, the total number of people infected is approximately one million and in 2001, 250,000 new infections were reported. In Latin America and the Caribbean, the number of infections reported is 1.9 million, which includes 200,000 new infections in 2001. In the Middle East and North Africa, the number is 500,000 with 80,000 new infections. The disease has not been limited to the developing or least developed regions but has also been spreading in the highly developed nations such as the US and the UK. The total number of infections reported to be in the highly developed nations is 1.5 million including 75,000 new infections in 2001. Therefore, in a nutshell, we can say that HIV/AIDS is a disease, which is spreading at a very high rate, and that no corner of this world has been spared. The disease basically gets transmitted to other people through body fluids such as blood, semen and vaginal sap. The major sources responsible for the transmission are unsafe sex, where there is an exchange of either semen or vaginal sap between the partners already infected with the disease; sharing of HIV-tainted syringes used by mainliners and blood donations where the blood of the donor contains the virus. So far, large sum of money has been spent to combat this disease but to no avail. Lack of any specific treatment or medicine has been one of the most important factors contributing to its spread and thus claiming thousands of lives annually. Although actions have been taken by nations to control the spread of the disease, they are still not enough. For instance, people use the medicine Zidovidune or AZT, but it has not been very effective. A good amount has been spent on the promotion of preventive measures such as sexual abstinence, avoidance of promiscuous and multi-partner sex and safe sex with the use of condoms. These steps have definitely shown good signs of improvement in some worst hit places such as Rwanda. Although they have been effective to control the spread to a certain extent, they are still not enough. A lot of hard work and focus is required to bring the menace of HIV/AIDS under control. Each of us has to realise the fact that the disease is spreading in a speedy way and can destroy the mankind. HIV/AIDS is not only significant from medical dimensions but also carries a psychological dimension with it. AIDS victims being excruciatingly humiliated by society. Truly speaking, they are being hated and dishonoured by society and treated as if they were the dregs of it. Hence, AIDS victims have to suffer physical debilitation and social stigmatisation. Therefore, it is a high time to focus on HIV/AIDS before it actually threatens to destroy mankind. The role of treatment and rehabilitation centres is significant. The fact that these rehabilitation centres can be instrumental in prevention of AIDS has already been proved by the progress made in some countries. Also, much more time and effort needs to be devoted towards the care and support programmes for those infected so that they do not feel isolated from society. We all have to realise the threats posed by the disease and act proactively by joining hands in order to fight HIV/AIDS and for this to happen, we will have to put on the agenda, HIV/AIDS along with other big problems. Sunsari Morang
Irrigation Project BIKASH THAPA The Sunsari Morang Irrigation Project is famous for corruption and irregularities. The third and last phases of the project, which was started 25 years ago to provide irrigation facilities to 68 hectares of land of Sunsari and Morang districts of the eastern region, drew criticism mainly due to two reasons. Firstly, the appointment of consultants and selection of contractors. Secondly, the command area of the project. A few years ago, the Parliamentary Committee for Public Audit questioned the appointment of consultants and selection of the contractors, both selected along the wish of the then Minster for Water Resources, secretary and project chief, calling it irregular process. The committee corrected the evaluation criteria for the appointment of consultants prepared by the Ministry. Since then, the project has been mired in controversy. The command area of the project, earlier decided to be 15,100 hectares, was later decreased to 12,500 hectares. Minister for Water Resources Deepak Gyawali on his recent visit questioned: "The initial estimated cost of project was US$2.2 billion. The contractors agreed to work on 34 percent less of what was estimated. How come the cost cross the US$2.5 billion mark?" India handed over the project to Nepal in 1975. The World Bank, the donor of the two-thirds of the cost, has also expressed its anger owing to the corruption and irregularities in the biggest ever development project of the eastern region. The Bank has refused to re-imburse 370 million as it was spent on the areas other than what had been agreed between the government of Nepal and the Bank. The final phase of the project was started in 1997 and should have been completed last year. A year has been given for its completion. The change in the command area coverage was made in order to decrease the workload and complete the project in time. The first phase of the project started in 1978/79 and completed in 1985/86. At the first phase, the construction of 1,750 hectares command area in Sunsari district was carried out at the cost of US$37.5 million. For the phase, the World Bank gave US$34 million loans. The second phase, started in 1988 and completed in 1996, cost US$49.9 million. The headwork rehabilitation works, carried out during 1993-1996, cost US$29.68 million with US$28 million loans from the Bank. A report of a committee, formed to study the irregularities in the project under the command of Under-secretary of the Ministry of Water Resources Mohan Baral, stated that US$930 million has not been audited. It found that works costing more than US$400 million were carried out through quotation without calling for bids and US$100 million was spent for the contract based workers. The officials of the project also acknowledge that millions were lost while awarding contracts in such a way. The lost amount could have been enough for the construction of an irrigation project, with a command area of 5,000 hectares. The irregular contract awarding was carried out under the direct influence of powerful political leaders and the project chief. The law permits the awarding of a contract worth up to 50,000 rupees with the bid, but the project has divided the same work in parts and awarded it to different contractors. "Other than the work carried out by the Chinese contractors, the works have been divided and completed with hand receipts, all illegally," said a source at the project. Contracts for such works have been given to thousands of people, all of whom are recommended by powerful political leaders. No one involved in the project is certain about the amount invested through such hand receipts. Around 80 per cent of such works have never been carried out at the site, the source claims. Deputy Engineer Khomraj Dahal acknowledged the fact, but claimed that it would not be possible to work without the method in such a project where the length of channel exceeds 4,000 kilometres. "If hand receipts are not allowed, then the project should be closed as it is not possible to work without them," said Dahal. Moreover, more than two-thirds of wageworkers are fake. A glimpse at the daily register reveals the fact: the same ink used to sign the register for a period of months. Even the engineers of the project express their dissatisfaction over the appointment of such wageworkers, the number of which should be decided through theoretical assessment of the project work. They said that every month hundreds of fake daily registers are prepared. The source also claims that the people appointed on political recommendations appear at the office once a month, that is, to collect the salaries. Those people receive 3,000 to 4,000 rupees as monthly payment. "More than 2.4 millions rupees are irregularly paid to such fake workers," he said. |
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