Poverty Alleviation
Social Mobilisation A Must

By Balaram Chaulagain

MUCH has been talked about poverty alleviation yet poverty exists in the country and it is on the rise. Eradicating poverty is one of the biggest challenges of all societies, more particularly for all the South Asian nations. Despite the high sounding slogans and announcements frequently propagated to alleviate the massive situation of poverty from South Asian region, the number of people and magnitude of poverty is on the rise.

State
Poverty can be defined as a state of powerlessness to gain control over any one’s own life. To tackle this situation an effective empowerment process through social mobilisation is essential. Though poverty is universal problem, it is more marked in Third World countries like Nepal. High rate of poverty is closely related to the rampant situation of ignorance, illiteracy and corruption besides increasing population together with the decrease in agricultural productivity.

Poverty is a man made problem. By birth no one is neither poor nor rich. The increasing gap between the haves and have-nots is the result of exploitation by an affluent or elite of another person having a relatively low economicstatus.

Recently, a discussion programme on the second policy dialogue on ‘ A pro-poor growth strategy through social mobilisation for poverty eradication in South Asia’ was held in the capital. A galaxy of around 45 experts involved in poverty eradication activities from Nepal, Bangladesh, India, Sri Lanka and Pakistan took part in the two day seminar jointly organised by the National Planning Commission (NPC), Support Activities for Poor Producers of Nepal (SAPPROS) and a Sri Lanka-based South Asian Perspective Network Association (SAPNA).

The seminar was supported by GTZ and KAF from Germany. It was revealed that 40 per cent of the people residing in South Asian countries are living below the poverty line. In the same way, it is an irony to note that the South Asia alone shares 20 per cent of world’s population whereas the production in this region is just around 5 per cent of the total production in the world. The above mentioned bleak scenario of this region glaringly manifest the worst form of socio-economic status of this region.

To address the situation so long as the South Asian countries fail to seek a regional comprehensive solution to combat the poverty high sounding slogans and seminars can do nothing. A strong political commitment with full public participation is essential to fight against the poverty. NGOs and INGOs toocan play crucial role in eradicating poverty.

For the total eradication of poverty, all political leaders irrespective of whether they belong to the treasury or opposition bench should work honestly thereby making their bureaucratic force free from corruption scandals rather discrimination against the poor who have no voice and lack lobby. Poor do not need sympathy rather they need encouragement and awareness and means of self-reliance.

The South Asian Independent Commission for poverty eradication has already been formed under the chairmanship of Prime Minister Krishna Prasad Bhattarai with a view to eradicate poverty in the region. Poverty alleviating activities are being launched in SAARC countries in keeping with the commission’s suggeted expert of this field Dr. Poona Wignaraja, the executive chairman of SAPNA, Shrikrishna Upadhyaya, the executive chairman of SAPPROS Nepal and a Bangladeshi expert Dr. Maqsood Ali presented working papers on poverty alleviation through social mobilisation. All of them stressed on the need of social mobilisation through rural micro-credit programme, savings and other participatory programme for poverty eradication.

Although NPC vice-chairman Prithvi Raj Ligal said the Ninth Five Year Plan has given top priority to alleviate poverty. In the list of SAARC nations, Nepal ranks one of the poorest countries having some 45 per cent of the people living below abject poverty line. As such, if we have to root out the deeply rooted poverty from the entire society the rampant situation of corruption, discrimination against poor and destitute and other anomalies should be avoided first. For this, first of all the prime minister along with his subordinate ministers and other top level government bureaucrats must have strong commitment to eradicate the dimensions of poverty. They should be models and source of inspiration otherwise a few NGOs and INGOs alone cannot accomplish the gigantic task of alleviating poverty from the country.

Social mobilisation is panacea to end the rampant situation of poverty which is raising its ugly head more vigorously than before. It is a process in which the poor and marginalised segment of societies are grouped together and enabled. In this connection, the blossoming NGOs may take place intermediary role between the poor and other line agencies like INGOs, the government and so on.

In the Nepalese context, till date, billions of rupees has been spent to raise the economic condition of the poor from government’s and INGOs’ side, still the impact is neutral. The government’s package programme for poverty alleviation like ‘B.P. with the Poor’ and such others should also be launched through NGOs and government should not lag behind to prod the NGOs if they go wrong.

As poverty is cosmopolitan in nature, it should be viewed in a broad way. The unsympathetic and indifferent attitude of the so-called rich and other elite towards the poor should be abandoned. The poorest of the poor should be brought to the mainstream of the society.

Basis
As agriculture is still the back-bone of the national economy, priority should be accorded to boost the agro-based income generating programmes. Rigorous social mobilisation, social praxis and participatory plan of action are believed to be the sole basis of whole poverty alleviation scheme.

First Coalition Politics

By Guna Dev Bhattarai

NO SOONER had the Coalition Ministry been formed than the youths of the Congress Party began to behave in an usual manner hitherto unknown in Kathmandu Valley. They began to shower unwanted words on the Ranas and the high ranking officers of the country. Even the Congress leaders connived at their behaviour. The intellectuals of Kathmandu were taken aback by this. Even the Congress leaders lacked the necessary norms and decorum when they assembled on occasions of national gathering. The ladies of Kathmandu were astounded at the unusually forward activities of the ladies of the Congress Party.

At Loggerheads
At the very outset, Congress ministers were at loggerheads with the Rana ministers. The Congress ministers wanted to impress the people that they would remove the Rana ministers in no time. On the other hand, the Rana ministers had accepted to be equal partners in the coalition ministry for prestige only, although they were aware of the fact that they were not in a position to work with the Congress ministers for a long time.

Mohan Shumsher, it was stated, was ready to accept reasonable proposals coming from the Congress ministers, provided they ceased to criticise him through various media. During the Cabinet meetings the Rana ministers were to some extent humiliated by the Congress ministers who were expected to take the responsibility of the development of the country began to show their superiority complex in the Cabinet meeting and the Rana ministers were treated as nonentity. The Rana ministers and the Congress counterparts could not effectively come to any reasonable understanding.

Kunwar Indrajit Singha and his staunch supporters declared that the Nepali Congress betrayed their policy of fighting to the finish. K.I. Singha was not mature enough to grasp the situation prevailing the country and the attitude of the Indian Government then. He revolted against the government, but as asked by the Nepal Government, Indian troops were called to quell the revolt. K.I. Singha and his followers were arrested. He was imprisoned at Bhairahawa jail but he managed to escape only to be rearrested and sent to Kathmandu. He was kept in captivity at Singha Durbar.

Bharat Shumsher, the grandson of defence minister Babar Shumsher, posing himself as a pure nationalist attempted to overthrow the Interim Government by instigating the Royal Army that assembled at the parade ground of Tundikhel to revolt against the so-called pro-India Government.

Bharat Shumsher and his associates were arrested with the cooperation of the local leaders. The next day his followers broke open the jail gates and released him. The person who was in charge of the jail helped their activities.

Accompanied by his trusted men, he began to instigate the royal forces but Keshar Shumsher managed to keep them intact in a disciplined way. Then Bharat, with his associates, proceeded towards the quarters of the Home Minister B.P. Koirala, who cautiously handled the situation. He ordered firing on the intruders. One was wounded and others ran away. Bharat and his followers were arrested.

Bharat was later released because of the interference and understanding between Babar Shumsher and the Government. Realising the gravity of situation the King reshuffled the cabinet by replacing Babar and Bharat Mani Sharma by General Simha Shumsher, the King’s brother-in-law, and Surya Prasad Upadhyaya.

The situation prevailing in the country was not in favour of nurturing democracy then. In the meantime, King Tribhuvan formed an Advisory Assembly of 35 persons so that they might advise and assist the Government.   Mohan Shumsher vehemently opposed the action of the King because of the latter, without consulting the Prime Minister and other Cabinet ministers, had constituted the Assembly. The Congress ministers twisted the matter in another direction by charging Mohan of being anti-King. Under the prevailing circumstances Mohan Shumsher’s plea became a cry in the wilderness.

Even the Congress apparently became somewhat anti-constitutionalist. The Congress ministers girded up their loins to defame Mohan by fair or foul means. It appeared that the Congress ministers were determined to expel Mohan from Premiership by hook or by crook. It can be said that the Congress Party had not liked working with the Rana ministers.

On the other hand, King Tribhuvan was not against the Ranas but their autocratic rule. When the Ranas had their prerogatives forfeited, they remained a tiger without claws and teeth. Under such circumstances, the Congress ministers should have won the hearts of the Rana ministers who were adept in administrative skills. If the Congress ministers had fully cooperated with the Rana ministers and worked in earnest to bring some positive reforms, the political history of Nepal would be otherwise.

Short-Sighted
On the contrary, the Congress ministers, as directed by the party workers, provoked them to go against the Ranas even for the wrong cause. That is why the political atmosphere was polluted and thereby the future history of Nepal. The Congress ministers had proved themselves to be short-sighted.

A Law Unto Themselves

By Bijay Aryal

AT THIS moment the SLC hopefuls are waiting for their Test results. But as the nationwide matriculation exams are only one and a half months away, they have got to continue their preparations come what may in the Test. About two lakh students will probably sit for the matriculation exams this time.

The Test is a qualifying exam for the SLC hurdle. The syllabuses for the SLC throughout the country are the same, whether in government schools or in private ones. The difference is, in almost all cases, the medium of expression in the exams is English for private schools, and Nepali for government ones. Otherwise, the same criteria of assessment apply to candidates of both kinds of school.

The Test is conducted by the District Education Office in each of the 75 districts of the country. This has been so for many years, perhaps ever since the Test was introduced. But in conducting the Test, too, the government has created two worlds. The one world is for government schools. And the Test is conducted by the District Education Office. The other is the world of private schools. The responsibility for conducting the Test has been handed over to the businessmen dealing in education and combined under the banner of their association PABSON.

Why so? Naturally, in such circumstances, students of private and boarding schools are subjected to two sets of assessment criteria while the SLC Board means to judge them by the same yardstick. This is the height of irresponsibility on the part of our educational authorities.

The rule should be: any student who seems passable by the SLC Board’s criteria faces no hurdle to being qualified for the SLC. But private schools are violating this rule with impunity. The private operators of education should not be allowed to apply their own criteria in deciding who should be sent up for the SLC or who should be held back. This abominable practice has let down both the guardians and their wards on the one hand, and has created an artificial situation in which the performance of private schools in SLC results looks brilliant.

Any Class 10 student in any school — whether of the government or of the private variety — should have a natural right to taking the Test as a regular student of the school concerned. Any school management who bars him or her from taking the Test should be punished by the government. How many prequalification tests need a student pass before sitting for the SLC final? Their eligibility should be judged at the district-level Test not before that.

Private school operators follow the policy of promoting their students to the next higher class, except in extreme cases. This is because they do not want to lose the fees those students pay. But when it comes to the SLC hurdle, they will not allow any student who seems unsure of getting a first to take the Test itself as a regular student. Such students are made to sit for the SLC exams as private students. They do this because they want not only to parade a 100 per cent pass rate but a 100 per cent first divisions. This explains why the results of the private schools look so impressive on paper and why the proportion of SLC candidates as their regular students is so low compared with the total.

The private school operators have become so powerful (this is also a measure of how weak the ministry has become) that any rule or law they do not like regarding education, they can easily flout. And they have been flouting them one after another. The latest is the academic calendar. The bosses at Keshar Mahal think their duty is done when they have put out a notice in newspapers appealing to the schools not to do so. But the appeal has fallen flat this time too, as in the past.