Putin’s India Visit
Wants India To Be Balancer

By M. R. Josse

RUSSIAN President Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin was in India recently on a four-day visit that took him to New Delhi, Agra and Mumbai -- hot on the heels of Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s memorable tour of the United States last month.

Whether intended or not, the timing of the Putin visit is probably meant to signal that despite a conspicuous warming of Indo-American ties in the past year, India is not, in effect, tilting towards the West or NATO.

(Putin paid recent visits to China and Japan. He was also in New York for the UN Millennium Summit in early September.)

Of course, as all know, the perception is widespread among the movers and shakers in the Indian capital that Clinton’s Washington is leaning away from Pakistan towards India.

STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP: Be that as it may, in India, the 47-year old, Maschimo former KGB official signed a strategic partnership accord which, in a way, is a follow-up to the 1971 Indo-Soviet Pact which paved the way, among other things, for consolidation of New Delhi-Moscow ties during the heyday of the Cold War when India invariably sided with Moscow against the West.

Like US President Bill Clinton, Putin was housed at the luxury Maurya Sheraton hotel, no doubt as a subtle signal that India is currently perfectly balanced between Moscow and Washington.

For all that, the Indian media hype for the Putin visit was however noticeably tempered as compared to that which greeted Clinton on his "honeymoon" extravaganza in March.

Yet, it is not as if that was not discernible as, for example, was reflected in the ‘Hindustan Times’ light-hearted prediction that by the time Putin and his wife Lyudmila left India they should be able to hum Raj Kapoor’s 1951 musical hit number from ‘Awara’: "Sar pe lal topi Rusi phir bhi dil hai Hindustani."

Putin’s Indian mission comes after Russian premier Primakov’s visit a few years ago, during Boris Yeltsin's presidency, when he proposed that Russia, India and China come together to counter the unipolarity of the global system. (That, incidentally, hasn’t not yet congenial for the same.)

Putin himself clarified the Russian position vis-à-vis India in a remarkably lucid pre-visit interview to Indian journalists.

NATURAL ALLIES: First of all, of course, he flattered India by describing her as a "greater power" and went on to add that India is a "fitting contender" for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council when it is expanded, South Block’s long-time foreign policy goal.

(By an odd coincidence, such utterances were timed when India’s performance at the Sydney Olympiad was its most dismal in years; it could only manage a solitary bronze medal.

Incidentally, South Asia’s other nuclear power, Pakistan, could not even secure that! On the other hand, the P-5 "great nations" -- US, Russia, China, France and Britain -- made it to the top of the Olympics totem pole, the first three’s performance being particularly impressive.)

More importantly, however, Putin spelt out a key element of his world view by declaring: "Our interests will be met if India becomes a mighty, developed, independent state, which would help to create a balance in the world."

Interestingly, the theme of India as a global balancer -- outlandish or overblown as it may seem outside India/Russia -- was taken up just after the interview by India strategic guru, K. Subrahmanyam.

Writing an op-ed piece in the Times of India on the day that Putin was to arrive in New Delhi (2 October, 2000), Subrahmanyam brilliantly argued the case for India as a "new balancer" in Eurasia, the burden of his thesis being that "India is a potential balancer of power in Eurosia, a reservoir of talent for the US, a nation with no basic clash of national interests with the US, ideologically on the same wavelength as a democracy and an English-speaking nation."

While time alone will tell whether the role of India as a global balancer is a realistic one or not, it is significant that Putin described India as a "natural ally" -- inevitably recalling the once-heard refrain that the Soviet Union is a "natural ally" of the non-aligned!

Moving on the Declaration on Strategic Partnership, signed between India and Russia during the Putin visit, it is notable that the Russian head of state in his pre-visit interview alluded to above and said that he was in favour of Russia, India and China joining efforts to promote their interests in Asia but noted that such cooperation should be open to other parties too, and should be transparent to the international community."

The Indian media, in the run-up to the visit, made much of Putin’s suggestion that India and Russia could combat international terrorism and religious extremism effectively by pooling their efforts.

TERRORISM: Though one can well understand why that should be so, it may be in order not to forget that, just days before Putin’s India visit, Sergei Yastrzhembsky, a key contributor to the shaping of Russian foreign policy, visited Pakistan where he met with Foreign Minister Abdul Sattar and Chief Executive, Gen. Parvez Musharraf.

Before more is read into Putin’s utterances on international terrorism one may note not only that Putin met Musharraf on the sidelines of the UN Millennium Summit but also recent news reports that Putin is considering a visit to Pakistan himself.

Of course, no satisfactory assessment of Putin’s India visit can be attempted without taking not of reactions, among other capitals, in Washington, Beijing and Tokyo, particularly with respect to Putin’s view of India as a global balancer and as Russia’s "natural alley."

The Dynamics Of Communication

By P. Kharel

COMMUNICATION is a great instrument of socialisation, political democratisation and a host of other activities and processes. It helps debate and discuss issues, and initiate national dialogue. Society discusses different issues through mass media. Political consensus can be achieved through communication. Professionalisation, diversification and specialisation are essential elements for an effective communications process in its varied aspects. We cannot imagine life without communication in one form or the other. To generate communication, we need five basic elements: source, message, channel, receiver and effect of message, including feedback.

It should be noted that the freedom to report and to express an opinion is only one link in the chain of communication. There should be adequate communication policy and programmes tailored to meet the needs of a democratic society to function effectively in its endeavours for a better quality of life. Article 16 of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal, 1990, guarantees the right to information, which inherently entails also duty to inform the public.

Great Expectations

Many countries have been emphasising a great deal on effective communication. Democratic societies are especially keen in finding and refining mechanisms for informing the public to the maximum extent possible in terms of content, speed of the message delivery and the extent of information thus provided. The Constitution of Nepal did raise great expectations since it places considerable emphasis on freedom of expression and right to information. In fact, Nepal is the first country in the whole of South Asia to constitutionally guarantee the right to information. And yet, even ten years after the new Constitution was promulgated, no adequate mechanism has yet been developed to ensure dissemination of information sought by Nepalese citizens.

Officials at public institutions have been pleading that they do not know what information to give and what to withhold. In reality, they have developed a habit of preferring to keep silent. If persistently pressed for answers, they resort to generalities and only the surface of the issue raised or they simply deny knowledge of certain developments. They have been able to do this and get away with it. On the question of the right to information, the Constitution of Nepal is far more explicit than many other countries with a long tradition of democratic practices.

Clearly, there is an urgent need for a Right to Information Act in Nepal so that the constitutional guarantee in this respect is respected in practice as well. There was an effort on a Right to Information Bill in the past but the draft came in for vehement criticism and was quickly withdrawn. When and how, and in what shape and content a new Bill will be introduced in parliament is not definite. The longer the delay the greater the confusion and uncertainty.

In recent months, fresh efforts have been made in the parliament to introduce a bill pertaining to right to information. The Federation of Nepalese Journalists even took the initiative of making a draft for the same and handed it over to the minister of Information and Communication. There are hints that a right to information bill might be forthcoming in the near future. The ministry has, indeed, shown a notable degree of enthusiasm in its new efforts. It now needs to maintain the tempo.

Popular participation can be enlisted on a large scale only if people are well informed. In a modern democracy, good governance is essential. Among the chief characteristics of good governance are transparency and accountability, elements that can be best ensured only when information is available abundantly and as speedily as possible. Therein rests the significance of the right to information. Flow of information from different channels of communication, including the news media, can help promote a culture of responsibility, accountability and credibility at decision-making levels. Such a development should start from top to the bottom rungs of democratic and public institutions, among other organisations.

Public institutions need to be made to provide information sought by citizens at the earliest possible. The resultant information flow through the news media and other forums can be expected to help members of society monitor the decisions and development in various sectors. In this regard, the mass media can play a vital role. However, partisanship in the print media continues to affect their credibility to a large extent.

Extensive

The electronic media have, indeed, contributed greatly in making the world smaller by the speed with which they collect and disseminate information to large audiences. Dramatic changes have, thus, occurred in most democratic countries. There is pluralism in not only the print media but also in the electronic media. The choices available are extensive and the services professional and affordable. Right to information means pluralism in the broadcast media as well, i.e. the broadcast media in the private sector should also be allowed to inform the public with their own news bulletins and current affairs programme.

In sum, there is a need for drafting a new and comprehensive communication policy. The present day is considered the age of information and communication. Many countries have achieved a high degree of success on this score while many more are in moving towards obtaining similar success. Nepal should not lag behind them.

Some Causes Of Child Trafficking

By Jhabindra Bhandari

CHILD TRAFFICKING, thesedays, has been a matter of serious concern it has become a major threat within the Asian region, in particular. And, Nepal is not an exception. There are evidences of child trafficking resulting into labour, drug abuse, sexual exploitation, and abduction for many reasons. This has definitely violated the rights of the hundreds of trafficked children facing threat to their health, education or development.

The growing issues of child trafficking are diverse in scope. The widespread poverty and illiteracy are the key factors adding fuel to the complex problem of the child trafficking. The commercial sexual exploitation is seen as a remarkable example of this burning problem. The adverse socio-economic impact of the flesh trade, sexual exploitation and emerging problem of HIV/AIDS is putting the human development in threat.

Because of the unemployment and lack of food security, hundreds of children are compelled to work hard labour in factories, business companies, hotels and households. Many of them are at greater risk in terms of health, social security, labour exploitation of many forms - sexual, psychological and physical. As a result, they have to pass the tough life facing all these threats.

In many societies of the developing countries, families perceive that children are the sources of income to support their economy. In the early age, parents send their children to work outside for money because of poverty and lack of awareness about the consequences. Many children are often trafficked from the workplace through brokers.

In a society like ours where patriarchy is still strong, there are reasons of gender discrimination in terms of access to and control over resources. As an example, sons are preferred for better education than daughters; and work load is relatively bigger with daughters.

More importantly, experience shows that lack of care and love for the children in families is another reason that maximises the chance of trafficking. Thus, such a gender difference coupled with social evils such as child marriage, bonded labour has also put the lives of many children at risk of trafficking.

Another important aspect of the problems of child trafficking is the rehabilitation of victims who are passing a terrible life. Most of them are isolated from their homes and families. Majority of them are compelled to pass the street life with serious health and psychological problems.

The efforts of care and support to the trafficked children are still limited. Though there are policies and programmes of government and non-government agencies, the implementation part still suffers from strong political will and commitment. There is still lack of coordination and networking among the government and non government agencies to initiate joint action in the fight against the child trafficking.