Association Of District Development Committees In Nepal United For Development

By Ram Chandra Pokhrel

THE founders of ‘Association of District Development Committee in Nepal’ (ADDCN) who had already experienced very hard days and unthinkable humiliating attitude of the government machinery during its founding days, might have been thrilled with great satisfaction while they found themselves at a national gathering like ‘Nepal Workshop on Fiscal Decentralisation’.

Impressive

Perhaps on one could expres the kind of feeling in words while at a function like this and sitting among such impressive gathering of nationwide delegates of the grand council of the association, guests from foreign countries (Philippines, Switzerland and India), including admirers and supporters.

Recently, the symposium was organised by the ADDCN in cooperation with SDC, DANIDA and the World Bank at the Birendra International Convention Centre in Kathmandu. More than three hundred delegates from all seventy five districts were present. Among the participants women representatives of different districts also were invited.

It was the beginning of 1994, when the second national conference of Chairmen and Vice Chairmen of all seventy five District Development Committee (DDC)- passed a resolution underlining the need of a national association in Nepal. There was no clear concept of its structure. However a modest beginning was made at Saurah, Chitawan at a meeting of only eight DDC Chairmen. It was the first move of its kind towards the direction.The next step was made at Pokhara, and finally in Surkhet where a formal shape of an ad-hoc committee took place.The committee was given full responsibility to draft the constitution and hold national convention within a given time frame. About forty districts particpated in the meeting.It was really a great movement, since the government at the center was strangely reluctant over the new concept.

In 1993 DDC Chairmen of six districts of Western Development Region were on a study visit to the Philippines. Among others they had a opportunity to have a first hand knowledge of the local authorities—the province, cities, municipalities and Barangays—and their associations. Meanwhile, the six districts of the first phase of decentralisation formally came together to form a committee of the District Management Development Fund (DMDF), after the tripartite review meeting of National Planning Commission (NPC), United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and DDC’s at Bhairahawa. Later, in Pokhara they elected a chairperson from among them and all six as members. A fulfledged secretariat at DDC office Rupandehi was established to manage and utilising the Rs. 2.5 million fund. The main objective was to support and to improve their capacity to institutionalising the planning process. It would not be an exaggeration to describe it as a nuclues of the present day association.

Immediate after the local elections in 1992 a meeting of the chairmen of all districts from Gandaki Zone was convened in Damauli to find a common regional development strategy to push forward at the first national conference of chairman and vice chairmen (of all seventy five districts) to be held in Kathmandu,. The meeting also had discussed the line of thinking to form a system of getting together among themselves.

But the Decentralisation Support Programme- (DSP) supported by UNDP worked primarily at the district level to strengthen local level planning through the establishment of district information centers, introduction of participatory planning and enhancement of upward linkages. It did its best to bring general awarenes of decentralisation among the local authorities. So ‘decentralisation’ remained as a driving force at the center of the whole campaign in forming the asssiciatin. Here it is noteworthy that the principle of the association was fully devoted to the "Four Ds" (Democracy, Development, Decentralisation and the concept of District Government).

At the beginning it was DANIDA’s support that enhanced the morale of the campaigners. Despite the negative attitude of the government, the support extended by DANIDA did not only help in improving the concept but also offered stationary support that was very important at its initial state. But one fine morning it had to stop all its cooperation, even its humble support of using its photocopier. Obviously it was the result of misunderstanding that the whole campaign was against the policy of government.The news spread as an undercurrent and did provoke a sharp reaction among the local authorities. As time passed the situation did not prevail for long and the ups and downs in the government policy also remained only as a temporary phenomenon.

When the parliament was dissolved by the nine-month old minority government, the government in the country was virtually running as a care-taker. But even then the local authorities were functioning properly and the process of local development was smoothly moving ahead. Meanwhile, ADDCN had convened its annual national council meeting in Lalitpur. The way they were meeting and discussing the issues the media described it as "a mini-parliament".Everyone who could get a chance to observe the session of the three day council meeting were highly impressed, because it could project itself of being not less responsible to the nation than the parliament. The session of the grand council had left an undeniable impression even on the intellectuals around the capital while locals also got the opportunity to think on issues in national prospective.

Here it would very much appropriate to mention that its firsts convention that was held in 1994 was inauguated at a grand function by the ex-Prime Minister Krishna Prasad Bhattarai at Biratnagar. Present on the occasion was former and presently, the current Prime Minister G.P. Koirala as the guest of honor.

Biratnagar, the hometown of the late leader B.P. Koirala also was the headquarters of the Eastern Command of the 1951 revolution that brought in the first light of democracy in Nepal. When democracy was restored in 1991 after the 30 year long hard struggle for democracy, the first convention at Biratnagar was itself a due respect to the late leader of the Nepalese democratic movement. It is also tribute to the freedom fighters like the ex-Prime Minister Manamohan Adhikari.

The convention at Biratnagar reminds us of similar other events. Since the provision of the constitution of the association reserves only five seats for nomination giving priority to those national political parties that could not get elected in the 23-member executive committee, the party in majority (Nepali Congress) offered the Vice-Chairman along with two executive members to the party in second in position (CPN-UML). All was set through consensus leaving all the issues of majority and minority into oblivion.Till today the association has been maintaining the greater understanding in each and every action for the greater unity and the progress of the institution.

Despite the ups and downs the government finally extended its recognition to ADDCN. Certainly it can be described as "a historic event". Recognition meant a new beginning of the march of "decentralisation" The association began to establish a fullfledged secretariat under the Executive Secretary General in Kathmandu.

Important Role

The most important part of the role of association in the politics of the nation is its untiring campaign for local self governance act. Its members and office bearers did play their effective roles for the new act that could ensure more power and responsibilities for local authorities. Their campaign was for the full recognition of local authorities in the constitution and more powers to the DDCs, VDCs, and municipality. And most importantly, to turn the local authorities into local government from their traditional responsibility of the user’s committee—like institution in towns and villages. In sum, its final march is for the true decentralisation without weakening the national integrity unity and the multi-party democracy.

(Ram Chandra Pokhrel is the founder Executive Member and Ex-Spokesperson of _ADDCN and Ex-DDC Chairman , Tanahu.)

New Indo-US Equation: Prospects & limits

By M.R. Josse

MOST readers are no doubt aware of the fevered rhetoric in past months about a "paradigm shift" in the US’s South Asia policy characterised, it is claimed, by a clear, irreversible shift towards India, ending its purported past till towards Pakistan. That has largely been due to American President Bill Clinton’s five-day visit to India in March and Indian Prime Minister Atal Biharl Vajpayee’s 13-day official tour of America in September.

CHANGE IN STATUS: Although the jury in still out on that, particularly on the eve of the changing-of-the-guards in Washington, one aspect of the new Indo-American equation is noteworthy: that concerning the growing impact of Indian Americans on American public life, including US foreign policy.

In that context it will be germane to note a few seminal points on that theme raised by Swaminathan S. Anklesaria Aiyar in a recent Times of India (TOI) column.

Among them is the change that has occurred, over the years, among Indians migrating to the United States. If in the past they tended to occupy the lower income and social rungs in the West, including America, that has changed dramatically with the rise of Indians in California’s IT-oriented Silicon Valley.

With the US now expected to expand the number of H1-B visas to 200,000 next year "thanks to pressure from infotech companies, many manned by Indian Americans"—and with India expected to bag half that number—Aiyar argues it translates into considerable foreign policy clout, not least since already there are an estimated 1.5 million Indian Americans in the US, some of whom have risen to the very top of the corporate ladder.

"Till in the 1980s, Americans saw themselves as being in steady decline, getting overhauled by the Japanese and Europeans. But suddenly in the 1990s, America has surged forward again as world leader in the new information age. And Indian Americans are at the very forefront of the information age."

Aiyare also points out that apart from being numerous enough to constitute a significant vote bank, Indian Americans are today also major contributors to political parties.

In his view, "this is an important reason why 118 out of 435 legislators in the US Congress have become members of the India Caucus, which now steers Congress in a pro-India direction time and again. The White House and State Department have factored this into their calculations too."

He recalls that not too long ago India was almost subjected to economic sanctions by the US Congress for perceived violations of civil rights in Kashmir and Punjab and escaped, at one point, by just three votes.

FOREIGN POLICY: However, now "the Congressional majorities in India’s favour are huge," Some of its foreign policy effects have entirely visible, as when Congress in 1998 passed liegislation diluting Clinton’s sanctions imposed after India’s nuclear tests.

Moreover, as Aiyar recalls, "it passed a strong resolution favouring India in Kargil, encouraging President Clinton to armtwist Pakistan into withdrawing its troops."

He goes on to add: "For the first time, India has a constituency within the US with phenomenal Congressinal clout, which Pakistan cannot hope to match."

He than engages in this fascinating bit of futurology: "If 100,000 per year enter henceforth on H1-B visas, I suspect fourfifths will stay on in the US and bring over an additional four relatives each. If so, in 10 years the US will have over 5 million Indian Americans, most in positions of power and influence.They will constitute a stronger foreign policy tool than anything Indian diplomats can devise."

Aiyar’s acute observations no doubt provide a veritable feast for thought. He is absolutely on the ball when he says that Indian Americans are today exercising considerably more influence on US foreign policy than at any other time in the past. For all that, it will be in orders to also note other less up-beat assessments—Indian as well as American—on the future or long-term prospects of Indo-American relations.

TOI’s Siddhartha Varadarajan wonders if India is not putting all her eggs in the US basket or if she is not overly "fixated on Washington" despite her goal of a multi-polar world.

He thinks talk in India about a "strategic partnership" with the US is "irrational", since "when it comes to the purchase of critical technologies, including armaments, the Europeans and Russians are much more willing salesmen" than Americans.

TOI’s Washington correspondent, Ramesh Chandran, points out that "there are only a few words on India that are buried in a document adopted by the Democratic convention."

DOCUMENTS: If the parallel Republican document has more on India, it is also mindful of Washington’s long-standing relations with Pakistan" and seeks a stable, secure peace in a volatile area where "adversaries face each other with nuclear arsenals."

To be noted, too, is US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright’s statement before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee wherein, even while referring to a "promising new chapter" in US-India ties, she asserted "at the same time, we have not forgotten our other friends in South Asia, including Pakistan."

Though currently Washington does indeed seem to be swinging towards New Delhi, might that not be corrected if the strategic landscape changes in the region, say through supply of Central Asia crude to the US through Afghanistan and Pakistan?

If Clinton is planning a visit to North Korea, other ‘unthinkables" can hardly be ruled out. Besides, the only constant in foreign policy is the national interest.

Generation Gap & Social Discord

By BT

IN AN isolated village in Dhading, an elderly woman does not know how to turn off the radio set buzzing in her home and takes help from her grandson. Nor does she comprehend most of the messages the talking machine is blaring out. She listens to it only for the folk songs. Her son is a senior government officer who has traveled to several Western countries and is familiar with the way of life there. The illiterate woman and her grand children who study in boarding schools, look like the people from different countries.

Next door, people are talking with their relatives working in India and Kathmandu through a VHF telephone powered by solar panels. In the same village, Katuwal (messenger) climbs to the highest point of the village and shouts the message to the residents about a village meeting. The Katuwal who is chosen for his job due to his loud sonorous voice, thinks there is no one in the village who can broadcast the messages as widely as he can. He is not convinced that the telephone and radio are more powerful than his voice in terms of distance and promptness. He does not just understand why people talk so softly over the phones when they pretend to talk to people so far away.

Though the Katuwal has been working in the local communication sector for decades, he is least familiar and interested with the modern electronic mode. The educated people who have taken the initiatives like installing a telephone in the village no more think Katuwal, the messenger, is relevant today. For them, the medieval messenger has become a laughing stock.

These instances are but the telling examples of the existence of generations far removed from each other in terms of their education, exposure and thinking pattern but living together. Though they have to live physically close, they have a vast gap between them. This kind of gap often results in misunderstanding, hate and other problems. An interesting question might be as to whether such a social chasm is prevalent at all times or is it just an interesting phenomenon in contemporary society undergoing a speedy transition.

There is an adage that says the young people think the old are fools and the old people view the young to be so. In fact, basic truths are always the same but change is constantly occurring in technology and the way in which people think and view things. Basic functions of Katuwal (messenger) and the satellite telephone are the same however apart they may be technically.

Mana Kumari Pandey of Golang, Aginchowk VDC in Dhading, took all troubles to bring up and educate her only son. As her husband lived with another wife, he did not care enough to bring up the boy. She took help from neighbours and her parental home to build a hut for shelter. She rears a few cattle and farms on a piece of land to make ends meet. She borrowed money from different lenders to send her son to school. It was a life of real struggle before her son passed SLC. Now she thought her difficult day had come to and end. She found a girl and married his son. She had completed her school education. With the arrival of Buhari, she visioned a happy life in her old days.

But the fate of the old woman took an unexpected turn contrary to her expectations. The reason was the gap of understanding with her daughter-in-law. The young lady refused to speak with her Sasu and keep her in the same house. The old woman now lives in a separate room. Most of the time she spends in her parental home. There are many such discords due to generation gap.