NC Controversies
A Look From The Other Side

By Shobhakar Parajuli

Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala, who is also the President of the ruling Nepali Congress, has become the focal point of the present Nepalese politics. Some among the present lot of leaders, Koirala is the most apt personality to lead the country. Within the Congress it is said clearly that there are very few personalities who have the patience like Girijababu. He is the only one who can take the insults as well as injuries and work dedicatedly for the party and the nation. This has been made clear by all the democratic and legitimate institutions.

For example, in spite of the fact that he had the support of the majority of the MPs in the Parliament, Koirala gave the opportunity to Krishna Prasad Bhattarai to become the Prime Minister. Later, due to his own shortcomings, a situation arose when Bhattarai had to resign from his post. That time also there were accusations that Girijababu had ousted Bhattarai in an unceremonious manner.

But this can be looked at from another angle. It can also be said that Koirala paved the way for Bhattarai to become the Prime Minister in spite of the majority backing he had in the Parliament. He sacrificed the post for Bhattarai. Later as the majority of the MPs wanted Bhattarai to step down because they were dissatisfied with him, that happened.

But the so called critics always say that Girijababu only ousted Bhattarai, they enver mention how he had helped him to become the Prime Minister. If Girijababu had wished Bhattarai not to become the Prime Minister in the first place, Bhattarai would never have been able to become the elected chief executive of the country. It seems now even former PM Bhattarai has forgotten this fact.

Before that, wen Girijababu was yet to be elected the president of the party for the first time, virtually all the voters were in favour of Koirala. This was made clear when the majority of the Mahasamiti members of the party swamped Kathmandu against the activities 36 MPs of the House of representatives who were responsible for the callapse of the elected government over a crucial motion of thanks to His Majesty in 1994.

It proved the vast Nepali Congress workers were in full support of Girijababu. The same workers with the consent of Koirala, also agreed to support Bhattarai so that he could be declared party president unopposed. Girijababu thus had extended full support to make Kishunji the party’s president.

If an election had taken place at Kalbalgudi, then there was no candidate who could have challenged Koirala. This was not a small favour extended by Koirala to Kishunji. But those who now say they are close to Bhattarai, do not want to remind this to their leader and they themselves don’t want to remember, even though this is as clear as the sun we see in the sky.

On the other hand, no such cooperation was extended to Koirala. When he was the country’s Prime Minister and he also held the post of the party’s General Secretary, the slogan of "one man, one post" was created. The main objective of this was to not allow Girijababu to continue in the post of party General Secretary. Bowing down to the demand, Koirala stepped down from the General Secretary’s post.

Even when he was not the Prime Minister, during the Ninth General Assembly that had taken place in Kathmandu, that time also full support was not extended to him when he wanted to be the party President.

Later, when he was elected President of the party and also the Nepali Congress Parliamentary Party in a democratic manner, again the slogan "One man, one post" was raised. Many schemes were hatched to make this objective successful. Some MPs from within the party started to say that Girijababu must step down from both the post of Prime Minister and also the party President.

They said this because they were under the illusion that Koirala had lost majority support. In reply Koirala repeatedly informed that he was ready to step down in a legitimate and democratic manner.

However, a certain section of leaders not wanting to opt for such means because they probably were aware they would fail through such a move, kept on insisting on their side of the argument only. When it was proved that it was Girijababu who enjoyed the majority in the Parliament, those who were roaring like lions, suddenly were silenced, but that did not stop them from hatching further plots. But they were not successful.

In the recent General assembly of the Nepali Congress that was held in Pokhara, it was seen that Girijababu enjoyed 65 per cent support of the party leaders.

The egos of several leaders were shattere, but Girijababu always remained with the policy of unity and reconciliation. He did not have even an iota of arrogance with his victory. He clearly said that his victory was the victory of all and no one had lost. He not only said this in words, but proved it in deeds as well. But still, some people were not satisfied.

Again the voices saying Girijababu must leave one post started coming up. Instead of cooperating with the leader who had been democratically elected, persons who stuck to their repeated stance started to be seen only in the Nepali Congress.

In the present parliamentary system, the above mentioned incidents are just the tip of the debate being seen over the leadership of Girijababu. Even though the issues look different, the objective is the same. That is, to oust Koirala from leadership.

Taking full advantage of this weakness in the Nepali Congress, the opposition seems to be cooperating with the dissidents. There seems to be no secrecy in the moves being made now.

Questions are even being raised on what step should be taken next. Why isn’t any attention being given to the fact that it will be a wrong precedence to oust a leader, who has been democratically elected by the people’s representatives? This is hard to understand.

Even if Girijababu is removed and again a leader of the Parliamentary Party is to be elected, then also one of the MPs of the Nepali Congress in the House of Representatives will be the Prime Minister.

The person who has the majority in the Parliamentary party, will become its president. Not only will Girijababu again win if such an election, but unless if there is an understanding there is no chance of any of his opponents winning a majority support. Another problem with the opponents of Koirala seems to be that, they are not ready to accept any leaders, except one from their camp, as the legitimate leader, even if someone else get the majority backing.

If the Nepali Congress is being weak, it is because of actions like these from some of its leaders. This has created serious concern among the democratic supporters of the party.

RANDOM NOTES
Several Tests

By Bijay Aryal

A VISIT to the exam centre of my daughter on Falgun 1, the first day of the eligibility Test for the School Leaving Certificate exams, gave me an idea of how some parents felt about the way the Test is held. And it also brought back to my mind my high school years of two and a half decades ago.

The SLC exams are the culmination of at least ten years of schooling. Here, you are judged successful or otherwise, and to what extent in your decade-long school studies. Before taking. S.L.C. exams, students are given a Test to know whether they are eligible to appear in SLC exams. In those days this pre-qualification bid by students used to be conducted by the district education office; there were no other controllers of Tests. Each district office used to hold the Test. Within each district there was a common measuring rod.

Indifference to my studies was my hallmark, which kept my parents and elder brother worried. So I always felt shaky just before the publication of exam results. So did I at the time of Test results. But, to my surprise. I came in third position in the whole class. This coupled with the fact that I was the sole student in the half-yearly exams who had got through the Nepali paper. I received both these result with some disbelief because I had been a great neglecter of my studies; and also with some increase in the confidence that if I paid a little more attention, I could do much better. But I never did so. And I still regret that.

Those were the days when English medium (boarding) schools were few and far between. Now I have learnt that there are several controllers conducting the Test in each district. There is the district education office; there is PABSON, an organisation of the owners of the private schools; here is another rival PABSON with the word National prefixed to it; there is said to be still another conductor; and even the school concerned could conduct its own test if it so desired. There are several Test boards then.

Some parents I talked to seemed confused by the present arrangement. It does not provide a common standard of testing — different sets of questions and different levels of evaluating students. I was told that even schools could give their own Test, this I have not verified. If every body was allowed to do what he wanted to do, then it is time for the government to examine not students in the Test, but the very rationale for conducting the Test itself. What is the objective of Test? Can’t we do without it? By the way, the students cleared by Test controllers fail SLC exams by the tens of thousands every year. Usually two-thirds and always one-half at least of the SLC examinees get held up. Those of the government schools make up almost all of the fail percentage. Then what kind of student does Test seeks to recommend for SLC?

There is another Test before Test-it is called pre-Test. At this stage, the schools’ weed out students, throwing them to the winds, after extracting the fees of the last month of Class Ten from those students. They might take SLC exams as private students or, if they could, as students of some government school. It is done to keep up the SLC results of those schools.

If Test is to be kept up, every Class Ten student must be given the legal right to appear for it. The school bosses should be punished if they try to stop any student from taking Test. There should be a common standard by which all students in a district should be assessed. The wide gap between the results of Test and of SLC exams should be investigated, if Test is to retain any credibility of quality. Those likely to pass SLC, even in third division should be sent up-unlike the government schools whose students are sent up in drove irrespective of their quality and unlike private schools which hold up students even if they are judged likely to secure second division marks with ease.