Pokhara Convention
Congress And Big Match

By Narayan Upadhyay

THE FOUR-YEARLY show of ruling Nepali Congress has all the ingredients of a big match event. The four years’ inter-party wrangling and many see-saw tussle among party’s big shots had eventually culminated in the super finale that was organised in the form of 10th General Convention at the country’s most sought after tourist venue—Pokhara.

But the most awaited super contest between the party’s experienced hands and seasoned leader was ultimately proved a no-match as the incumbent party President battered the Congress young aspirant badly.

Riding high on his 50 year’s of marathon experience and contributions, President Girija Prasad Koirala proved that in any match, whether it is on-the-court match or a contest for the political party’s captaincy, it is experience, contributions and stronger sway over party workers that should be taken care about.

Simply said, it is experience and long political training that can be traced in the Koirala’s overwhelming victory margin. His score of 936 votes against Deuba’s 507, out of 1468 cast, speaks volume about his stronghold over the party. And, it also signifies that the long stint in the party organisation, the support both from party’s high profile leaders as well as workers have bore him sweet fruits even in the worst of time.

His victory has even baffled the hardest of Koirala bashers and has paved the way for Koirala to enjoy the double positions of Prime Minister and Party President amidst feeling that the Pokhara contest was a battle, not between Koirala and Deuba but between two old guards of the party—Krishna Prasad Bhattarai and Koirala.

The former Prime Minister was full of zeal but lacked that sway over party workers and experience needed to take the highest position of the ruling party. Even the best of his mentor or coach available in the party— Bhattarai— could not save the day for Deuba.

It is apparent that despite being a master manipulator and fighting the contest with covert panel, Deuba failed to shore-up the workers’ supports. His oft-repeated words—Koirala lai samman, Deuba lai matdan (Respect for Koirala, vote for Deuba), along with all his salvos, urges and requests for support and votes fell flat in the face of growing accusations from both panels about the covert foul play—that money and muscle were the main forces that crept into the country’s oldest political team’s four-yearly showdown.

After the win, Koirala, like a true champion, was modest in his victory. He said, as the presiding chief, the contest for the party presidency should not be taken as win or loss, but as a democratic exercise. He also disclosed his rationale behind the contest. In lighter vein, said the winner: " By contesting, I wanted to test the capabilities of my political disciple." The captain of the party was happy that his protégé is capable of good showing.

Deuba’s showing was, however, no mean feat compared to the last Convention held in Kathmandu four years ago. Then, the Koirala’s hardest detractor Chiranjibi Wagle could muster only 252 votes. The third contestant-Ram Hari Joshi was badly crushed by the weight of two Congress leaders now as well as then.

While there was no upset in the fight for party presidency, the battle for party’s 18 Central Working Committee provided some upsets. It also showed even if you throw your total weight, you could not win over the heart and minds of hard-boiled Convention delegates. They voted those who are well known among workers and Congress Circle for their contributions in the past.

Amidst Deputy Prime Minister’s enjoyment of having won the CWC seat with whopping margin-1015, the defeat of Congress heavyweights like Speaker Tara Nath Ranabhat, Dr. Ram Sharan Mahat, Bal Bahadur K.C., Bhu Bikram Nembang and incumbent ministers shocked many Congress watchers. For 66 of them, it proved a tough going to secure top eighteen positions through the ballots of 1468 delegates.

Apart from many interesting episodes, the Convention had its touch of glamour. Manisha Koirala roamed around the Convention venue asking votes for his father. The Prime Minister’s daughter Sujata Koirala was angry following the rejection for her to contest for the CWC.

It gave a short lived twist to the Convention as rumours fly high that Sujata and some Koirala family members are not seeing face to face because she thought they had put pressure in quashing her name saying "she has not fulfilled the criteria of "ten year’s active membership" to join the fray for the CWC.

With the completion of its four-yearly show, the electorates of the Convention justified their rights by not hastily transferring the power to Younger Generation. It must go to them with the passage of the time when they attain that stature and gain some experience through strong sway over workers as Koirala has shown.

However, time will tell whether the historical Convention has been fruitful in making the party more "dynamic, united, vigorous and resolute" with the mandate gained through ballots, not through unanimous decisions of the party’s mightiest. It is yet to be seen whether the defeated lots will not take the party and its government to the brink of disaster.

At the end, it is essential for the highest decision making body of Congress and its President to act as good referee to see all the party policies and programmes being implemented well and its code of conduct being followed by all Congressmen of top positions.

By following these, there is no doubt that the Nepali Congress can rule the roost for longer time. If Congress digresses itself with aberrations, there will always be its national rivals—Communists and others- to pounce over it and dethrone it from the position it has so far been enjoying.

Teachers’ Interview

By Bijay Aryal

THE interview for the posts of teachers of government schools have resumed after a lapse of five years. In the year 2053 the successful candidates in the written examinations had been called for an interview, and about half of such candidates had appeared for the interview, too. But the process had been stopped. Later, about a year ago the Bhattarai government had announced an automatic confirmation of the services of all temporary teachers who had been working for at least a year. But this decision was challenged in the Supreme Court, which held automatic confirmation to be against the law. In addition, it issued five months ago a writ to the education ministry to move forward the process of selection postoned since 2053.

And the ongoing interview of the teachers is the result of the apex court’s injunction. Last week the process was started again, recognizing as valid the interviews conducted five years ago for half of the candidates. The rest are now appearing for the interview. But days before the process was to resume, the agency for investigating abuse of authority had ordered the ministry and the Teachers Service Commission to postpone the interview till the entire process was investigated for its legality. But last-minute talks came to a compromise and the holding of interviews was allowed on condition that the results would not be published pending the CIAA investigation.

Nepal has become unique that the number of those selected for an interview exceeds by almost six times the actual number to be hired. About 14,000 seats had been advertised for. In accordance with the law at that time, 16,000 teachers should have been cleared for interview - a number 20 per cent above the required number of seats. But for political motives, after the advertisement, the rules of the game were changed. Under this anybody securing at least 35 marks was declared fit for interview. As a result, 83,000 candidates became eligible for the oral test for just 14,000 seats.

The CIAA’s last minute concession was done for "candidates convenience". But that has made things even more mysterious. Its "practical expedient" has made the selection process suspect. First, irregularities should have been investigated and corrective measures taken. But they were not done

Western-Style

In public urinals or toilets or those in public offices, users are exhorted to keep them clcan. But in nine cases out of ten, they are almost always the opposite. In big office buildings the practice tends to build western style lavatories where you relieve yourself while sitting unlike in the traditional types in which your feet take up all the bureau of entire body. Even in posh office buildings, here, the Western-style toilets, unless used by single users, are always in a condition unfit for use without soiling your bottom.

Talking on toilets reminds me of my recent train journey in India. In every second-class compartment, there are four toilets - a pair each at the furthest sides of the compartment. Of the pair, one is the traditional one, the other is Western style. Each toilet greets the user with a notice teaching civic sense. The notice reads: Point One, Please flush the toilet before and after using it. Point Two, Please do not soil the seat in Western-style lavatories; Point Three. Please avoid using toilets at stations.

I tested how the rules were observed. In the first place, even if you wanted to follow the notice, you could not do it because the flush system rarely worked. As for Point Two, it little mattered how you used the toilets because the seats had already been dyed hard with fifth such that a considerable effort would have been required even with acid to remove the dirt all over, which had become, as it were, an integral part of the seats. Rule Three was honoured more by its breach as you could see liquid and semi-liquid things coming down the lavatories at every station where the train stopped.

Quite a few lavatories were always out of order - some without water, others without any bolt, still others filthy beyond toleration. One expected such things to be in order before the train set for each journey. But the railway authorities seemed to have done their duty by putting up the notices. (713)