Land Reform
The Brighter Aspect

By Shirish B. Pradhan

WHILE endorsing the newly introduced land reform bill amidst protests by both pro-reformists and anti-reformists in the Parliament, Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba made a sarcastic remark, "The fact that both peasants and landlords are dissatisfied with the land reform programme indicates its success." Nepal Sadbhavana Party and Rastriya Prajatantra Party both walked out of the Parliament when the Government tabled the Bill for approval. The UML and other leftists, which were demanding for a radical land ceiling announement allowed the passage of the Bill get endorsed by staging symbolic protest. Under the pressure from both the rightists and leftists in the Parliament the government has announced a moderate ceiling on land holdings instead of a revolutionery type. Both the landlords and poor peasants were mounting pressure on the government to introduce a land reform programme which best fulfills their interests. CPN-UML, CPN-ML and Samukta Jana Morcha were demanding for lowering the land ceiling in line with the Baral report while Nepal Sadbhavana Partyand Rastriya Prajatantra Party which represent the anti-reformists were all out to prevent the government from introducing the land ceiling programme. While announcing the land reform programme the Government also faced opposition from the ruling party itself. Some of the ruling party leaders including Ms. Shailaja Acharya were dead against the land reform programme. In such a situation the Government was forced to chose a moderate policy.

Though the moderate land reform programme chosen by the government invited criticism from different quarters, it has some advantages. The government will face less resistence from the landlords to implement the land reform programme, which is not so ambitious. Had the government introduced a radical land ceiling programme as demanded by the communist parties there would have been strong opposition from the landlords putting a question mark over the success of the programme.

Under the present democratic Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal the government has no right to nationalise individual property. The Constitution guarantees property of all of its citizens. So, the government would have to pay hundreds of billions of rupees as compensation, had it chosen a radical land ceiling policy. In such case the government would have faced a problem seeking huge amount of money for campensation from donor agencies. But now the burden has been lessend.

The demand set forth by Nepal Sadbhavana Party for imposing ceiling on wealth seems to be absurd. If the government takes land from the landlords it will have to give them compensation. But if it takes money or other forms of assets then how can that be compensated? It seems to be an impractical demand. Democracy does not advocate eqality in all aspects. What it advocates is justice and equal treatment to all the citizens. Democracy does not guarantee uniformity instead it guarantees equal opportunity to all. But we must protect the interests of the poor, helpless, and downtrodden people by introducing some social reform programmes and income generating schemes too uplift their living standard. Of course there are people with different social and economic status in the country. The government should introduce social welfare schemes to help the poor and downtrodden people. Progressive tax system is one such scheme which can put indirect limitation on individual property. The money collected from such a tax policy may be utilised in social reforms and social welfare schemes. Social changes can be brought about through peaceful means. After the restoration of democracy the people’s aspirations have grown and if their demands and wishes are not fulfilled it could lead to frustration. We must make the people believe that one does not need to carry guns the Maoists for bringing social justice and change. The Maoists are luring the poor people by cashing in on the easy slogans of providing justice to the exploited and giving equality to all.

The newly introduced social reform programmes and the land reform programmes, if implemented effectively and with high political commitment, would no doubt bear fruitful results. In order to safeguard and consolidate democracy, the Government must relieve the hardship of the people and uplift their lives. Here it is worth recalling the remarks made by former US President John F. Kennedy, "If a society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich."

Bhutan Gains If Refugees Go Home

By Nishchal Nath Pandey

NOTHING can be as sorrowful as living away from one’s home in another country as a refugee. The plight of the one hundred thousand Bhutanese refugees currently stranded in the 7 makeshift camps in Eastern Nepal is getting precarious day by day. Although the joint verification work has been going on, the pace of the work is too slow and the Nepalese side has already made this clear to the Bhutanese. It is evident that dilly-dallying tactics may have again been adopted so as to buy time and wait for the refugees to permanently mingle into the Nepalese society. In fact, this belief was being shared by a varied array of scholars and diplomats as the refugee impasse got convoluted with the never-ending saga of ministerial level talks that followed. What has been evidently clear is that the refugees, have not, apart from a very few, left the camps and settled in the Nepalese cities. Those that have do not still relinquish the idea and hope of going back to their motherland. This should serve as an eye-opener that the refugee impasse is far from being "fixed" and the issue will remain to make headlines while getting more and more complicated each passing day. The assassination of RK Budhathoki, President of Bhutan Peoples’ Party further muddles the uncertain scenario. An ardent fighter for the establishment of multi-party democracy and constitutional monarchy in his country, Budhathoki was the most active refugee leaders, frequently coming to Kathmandu for interaction and meetings with politicians, journalists, and scholars.

Lots have been written about the Bhutanese refugee imbroglio and the Nepalese attempt to settle the issue once and for all in good faith.

As a part of research work, an encounter with the refugees in the camps at Jhapa and Morang two years ago was primarily a learning exercise which turned out to be an experience of a lifetime. It was startling to see that despite the hard, long battle with poverty and hardship, the refugees dream of going back home had not tarnished. Those innocent faces know little of tangled diplomacy and the intricacies of bilateral talks but live with high spirit and optimism that one fine day they would be able to meet their kith and kin and friends in Bhutan. Yes, there are problems and challenges. The youngsters that were born at the camps and those that were very young when they arrived 10 years ago do not share the same feeling and emotional bondage with Bhutan. Others that have lost patience do not know what to do yet pray for wisdom to prevail. It is not impossible for these idle minds to get attracted in disastrous incitements of grapples, which these days are in abundance especially in India’s North East. It is in the interest of Bhutan, Nepal and India to settle the issue for their own collective amity reasoning out that all of us have been braving insurgents in our respective territories.

While, it is true that the Nepalese government’s approach in the last 10 years vis-à-vis dealing with Bhutan on this issue has not been fault-free prone to frequent review of approaches and positions, Bhutan has been increasingly facing a hostile international attitude as well. As Bhutan increases its international contacts, this will undoubtedly become an irritating obstacle in its tryst with economic development. In fact, Bhutan’s success in utilizing its power for revenue mobilization to augment the living standard of its peoples has been appreciated throughout South Asia.

Bhutan’s installed electricity generating capacity currently is around 3530 megawatts (MW), of which about 97 per cent is hydroelectric. Potentially, Bhutan could be a large power producer and exporter to neighboring countries especially India. India’s energy demand, fuelled by economic growth projected at 6 per cent per year, is one of the two fastest growing in the world.

Since 1991, India has opened up electricity generation to the private sector with incentives for foreign investment but for the time being, Enron’s difficulties at their project in Dabhol in Maharastra, which by far means is the largest independent power project in the world and the largest private sector foreign investment in India, will discourage investment in India’s energy sector. Bhutan furthermore has designs to finish construction of a 1,020-MW hydropower plant at Tala by 2003, which will enable Bhutan to export surplus power to India.

We have nothing but to be glad with this endeavor of our Bhutanese friends which surely should serve as a lesson to be learnt. However, as added revenue starts coming in and as the industrial sector begins to roll forward, there will be the need of trained and experienced manpower the one concept that probably has never struck the alert Bhutanese mind. Lhotsampas, known for their tireless drudgery efficiency and skills will not wreck rather facilitate their motherland’s emergence as one of the richest counties in South Asia. Besides, long drawn disputes will only embarrass and impede upon the pace of economic success. This is why there is a need now like never before to settle the existing refugee impasse at a quick pace and in a good faith.

King Tribhuvan And His Times

By Guna Dev Bhattarai

KING Tribhuvan, the successor of King Prithivi Bir Bikram Shah Dev, grandson of Trailokya was born on the 17th Asadh, 1963 B.S. He ascended the throne at nearly three years of age . His coronation ceremony was celebrated at the age of five. His mother, Dibyaswori Rajya Laxmi Devi Shah was everything to him. She had given perceptible accounts of the duties of a king, role of the Ranas and the historical background of Nepal to the little crown prince. During his childhood he was acquainted with some books based on religion and interesting stories of Panchatantra. In that political climate of the country no one was free to pursue the vision of one’s life.

When Jung Bahadur Rana forced King Surendra to surrender all the powers of the country to the former and his successors, the King was bound to remain titular head of the country. In course of time the Queen Mother made King Tribhuvan acquainted with the horrible intrigues, plots and tragedies that had occurred in the lives of Trailokya and Prithvi. Both of them had died in mysterious circumstances.

King Tribhuvan’s childhood and youth passed during the premiership of Chandra Shumshere. The members of the Royal Family including the King were painfully conscious of the behaviours of the Ranas towards them. Chandra Shumshere was a diplomat in his own way. He had throughly studied the psychology of the King who was more intelligent than his predecessors. That is why Chandra proved himself as a loyal servant of the King. He would revere the king as far as possible but would not permit him to be politically conscious. He tried to appease the King by encouraging the latter to lead a luxurious life. The King was not permitted to read books of his choice but encouraged to involved in sex and romance. Chandra wanted the King to be within the four walls of the palace. He feared that if let the King go out from the palace, the latter might come in contact with the people. Every activity of the king even within the four walls of the palace was reported to Chandra. Outwardly Chandra tried to impress the King that the former was the loyal servant but inwardly he wanted to check every activity of the king in many ways. Chandra would not fulfil even the minor wishes of the King whereas he would not hesitate to lavishly spend money for him and his associates.

The matrimonial alliance between the sons of Chandra and the daughters of King Prithvi was the greatest obstacle on the part of the members of the Royal Family to go against the Ranas. Nevertheless some attempts were made earlier to revive the power of the King but all in vain. The Ranas began to be more cautious as to the activities of the Royal Palace. Chandra wanted to have his grand daughters to be married to Tribhuvan but Dibyaswori without heeding to the wish of Chandra got Tribhuvan married to Kanti and Iswori of the then Punjab.

Chandra having realised the past history of the members of the Royal Family was cautious enough whenever he visited the palace.

Inspite of having restrictions on books and newspapers the King was secretly enlightened by his most trusted persons as to the political activities of the country and abroad.

King Tribhuvan highly appreciated some of the reforms and particularly the abolition of Sati and Slave systems during the premiership of Chandra. After the Treaty of 1923 A.D. concluded between the Britain and Nepal, Chandra Shumshere said, "I have become successful in making your Majesty a real king. After the said treaty the king was to be addressed ‘His Majesty’ by the British Government.

Some minor political and social activities were ruthlessly suppressed by Chandra. He, with the cooperation of the British, was successful in suspending the newspapers which were against the Rana regime.

It is stated that Chandra had predicted that, as his successors were not efficient enough to tackle the problems of the country, kingship would revive power within some years.