13th NAM Summit
In Need Of New Vision

By C D Bhatta

WHILE Yugoslavia, one of the main founding members of the non-aligned movement (NAM), ceased to exist in the world map replaced by Serbia and Montenegro, the leaders from 114 member countries are meeting in the Malaysian capital Kuala Lumpur for the 13th NAM summit, from 20- 24 February, 2003. This is, in fact, a significant moment for the movement. Prime Minister Lokendra Bahadur Chand will lead the Nepalese delegation to the summit.

Long Road

The movement, which was established in 1961 with the initiation of Tito, Nehru and et al in 1960s, has travelled a long road with only 25 members in the beginning. Nepal has been participating actively since its very inception.

The most significant result of the World War II was the emergence of nations with independent foreign policies not dictated by the superpowers, the USA and Russia, then the USSR. These very independent nations across Africa and Asia have had a working philosophy of not becoming a member of any blocs run by the capitalists and communists. Also, another important characteristics of these nations was that most of them were newly independent either from the colonial rule or newly emerged states with the resultant effect of the Second World War and hence were new in the international scene. Therefore, there was a sort of coexistence in the socio-political ideologies amongst them.

The Bangdung, Indonesia, conference of 1955, where thirty countries from Asia and Africa assembled and expressed their desire to be united in a single thread to deal with matters in the international affairs, was a milestone in the history of NAM. China, India and Indonesia played a key role in the meeting, despite having different political ideologies. Hence, in order to come out of the ideological and political barriers, they have drafted minimum guidelines of understanding, which is commonly known as five principles (Panchasheel) that is, mutual respect for each other's territorial integrity, non-aggression, non-interference in each other's affairs, equality and mutual benefit and peaceful co-existence. Its main objectives at that time were to liberate countries from the colonial Raj and to ward off the threat emanating from the superpower rivalries. These very principles today have become the main foreign policy guidelines for many countries.

By and large, today, both of these situations do not exist in the international politics and NAM is merely a legacy left by the Cold War and can best be defined as the international relations of pre -1989 eras. Those were the days when these types of summits and groupings used to have an underlying importance in the international affairs while there was an eminent threat of war stemming from the two global superpower competitions. Today, though, there is significantly a vicious threat of war in the world, but the rationality and dimensions of international relations and the nature of would-be war have either completely changed or taken different direction in the light of America becoming only one unchallenged superpower in the world and tentacles of terrorism spreading all over the world.

Also, the fall of communist regime and its allies such as Warsaw Pact, and globalisation of world affairs to a single focal point have significantly undermined these types of alignment, nevertheless, the scene in the international affairs mainly after 9/11 and the global economic dimensions in the Third World countries and also domination of world economy by a number of western powers and multinational companies to some extent, force these nations to go for this type of alliance. Though today, rarely heard or debated in the academic circle, nevertheless, in its hey days, NAM played an important role in harmonising the international relations and it reverberated the corridor of diplomatic community in one way or the other. To say that, however, the current NAM summit will have an important aspect in the world politics while America and the United Kingdom are set to attack Iraq and the whole world is against the idea of war.

Nevertheless, paradoxically, the movement needs significant defining, as it was completely a political animal of bipolar world and will not have any role to play or significance in the present day context.
As some would say that it would help to get Third World countries and other developing world to get into the process of globalisation and free trade movement but which, in its practical sense, is not going to materialise from the present platform where it stands now. What it needs is complete overhauling and new definition in order to face the daunting challenges of the contemporary international relations.

Another conundrum with NAM in the present context is that the reality of 1960s and that of today is completely different even amongst the members of the movement in terms of economic, political and ideological development. Some of them have become economic powerhouse and others have become politically very strong in the international scene. Also, to our dismay, some of the members are shattered and battered by intra-state or inter-state conflicts' and economically and politically very feeble. Therefore, at the outset, against this diversity, the existence of NAM becomes only meaningful when it tries to hammer out the existing anomalies.

Forum

Technically, the conventional role of NAM has already been faded away and if it is really to be kept alive as an active tool of diplomacy, the leaders of the member countries should come out with new vision such as whilst there are negotiations at the international levels related to trade, that is, issues related to World Trade Organisations (WTO) that concern most of the contemporary world and which, as of now is dominated either by the developed countries, member of the OECD's or dictated by lobbying of multinational companies, NAM should come out and defend the interests of its member states, which definitely will resuscitate the movement as an instrument of international economic diplomacy. Secondly, NAM should be developed into an organisational forum and be renamed, if it really is to survive in any form.

Civil Service Sans Reforms

By Jai Nayayan Jha

ADMINISTRATIVE reform is a political process to adjust the relationship between bureaucracy and other elements in a Society in order to make changes in the behaviour of public servants. It aims at changes in the machinery of government undertaken in an effort to bridge the gap between the reality and desirability.

Execution

Administrative reform denotes every sort of improvement in the functioning of government machinery. It is a means through which specific remedies in administration are sought and introduced. It aims at cleaning the evils and streamlining the overall functions of government machinery and ensures speedy implementation and the execution of development works.

Nepal over the years has made remarkable strides in the field of administrative reform. Reform commissions headed by M.N. Buch, T.P. Acharya, V.N. Jha, and B.B. Thapa and G.P. Koirala had made significant recommendations with a view to make administration streamlined, strengthened and consolidated.

Over the years government has materialised some of the recommendations. Public Services Commission has been strengthened and it has been made the sole responsible body to recommend capable persons for recruitment and promotion and to treamline personnel management, consolidation of training programme, grouping of professional posts, stepped up salary and perks, changing in promotions criteria, measures for boosting the morale of the civil servants, strengthening the planning cells of various ministries and so on.

However, reform measures so far suggested and implemented have not resolved the real and the genuine problems of administration. Neither the administrative reform commission nor the government has encompassed the wide ranging problems, that have been plaguing the administration since long time.

The reform commissions had paid greater attention to the administrative readjustments and improvement but they didn't seem to have evolved an overall perspective or clear cut objective for planning in administrative reform on a more meaningful way. The commissions were not represented from various geographical areas embracing varieties of ethnic groups. Reform measures suggested during Panchayat era was directed towards strengthening the partyless politial system and so was in the post panchayat era in which party's interests were accorded as the top priority.

Administrative reform is supposed to go deep down to detect and explore the genuine problems of administration. For this field surveys studying the reform commissions report of another countries and carrying out researches were needed. As a matter of fact, researches would have been conducted in such fields as in social science-social psychology, cultural anthropology, group dynamics, organisational theory etc. The previous reforms lacked such things. As such most reform suggested were based on assumptions and they hardly were addressed towards solving the emerging problems.
Similarly, whatever reforms were made, they were not followed up to find out the drawbacks in implementation and making suitable correction. The need was to introduce reform and to have continuous watch on it, but it was not done. Most reforms hitherto have focused mainly on organisational matters, readjusting the number of ministries, departments and trimming the number of civil servants.

Such reform measures were based mainly on the line of Tayloar's scientific management theory. This is a mechanical approach. Most problems of administration in Nepal emanate from the attitude, the behaviour and the mentality of the political and administrative executives. This aspect was not heeded in the process and in the reform measures. Streamling the process and procedure was not heeded properly. No effort was made to study the attitudinal factors and suggesting measures to reshape the attitude of the administrators. Most reforms were directed towards amending the existing Acts and rules, but no suggestion was made to make an appropriate code of conduct for the civil servants which could make it free from corruption and other anomalies.

The bureaucracy of Nepal is largely represented by three higher castes Brahmins, Khetries and Newars. The oppressed, downtrodden, weaker section of the society and Teraians have not been able to gain position in the power structure of the country. Reshaping the bureaucracy in line with true representative bureaucracy was overlooked in the reform measures. Administration is the interplay of mind. No effort was made in the past to study the mind of bureaucracy in making the decisions both at the central level as well as at the regional level. Similarly, no effort was made to evaluate the administrative leadership and co-ordination devices to determine the effectiveness of generalist and specialists as a head of functional departments.

The distribution of civil servants at the central and the regional level has not been made rationally. This aspect was overlooked altogether. Most reform measures have overlooked the behavioural factors and patterns, the sub cultural trails of the employees, the forces and factors making resistance to administrative change etc. Although suggestion was made to cut down the number of ministries, later on the political executives did not adhere to the suggestions. Prime Minister formed large council of ministers against the avowed policy of making administration economical and functional. The cultural backgrounds, languages, behaviour of various ethnic groups have certain impacts on the administration. These aspects were not studied. It was pointed out that the recommendations would be implemented phase wise but most important recommendations have not yet been implemented. Nor the government is serious about that.

Positive

It must be admitted that the reform measures so far suggested and implemented have benefited the country and these steps were positive in the entire process of administration reforms. But whatever reforms have been made so far, are more or less sketchy and have not embraced the real problems of administration. The entire ills were not addressed and solutions were not sought to remove the ailing factors of administration. Had the administrative reforms been effective then the rampant corruption and corrupt practices would have not plagued the country so much.

Women Behind The Wheels

By Uday Lama

THERE are an increasing number of women drivers of SAFA tempos plying the routes of Kathmandu. What this means is a change in the mindset of one and all in society. Apart from providing much needed jobs it is also a testing ground for their hard earned skills at driving. It is a way for them to augment the family's coffers through an income generating activity.

Breaking ground in what was once a male preserve was not easy. For one thing they had to face criticism at the manner they handled the vehicles and had to cope with discrimination whilst working. Brushing aside these occupational hazards they went to work with a will and in the process changed everything overnight. The future may see more of them behind the wheels trying their best to manoeuvre in the maze of traffic.

Women working as drivers has been accepted as the norm where it counts the most and license to operate have also been granted. The traffic police too seem to have also been co-operative showing a polite deference to the fair sex. But much remains to be done to make their presence felt amongst a grudging but admiring public. To better their lot through monetary schemes and other incentives something more must be done so that they are not left behind.

It's hard for these women at the wheels who have to contend and compete with their male counterparts. That of fulfilling the quota passengers who may be thrilled by the novelty and a chance to get a closer look. But beyond this factor lies the real one which is that of motivation-a driving force to reckon with. These breed of drivers represent safe driving for they are less reckless, respect the light signals and follow the rules.

Once given the chance to prove their mettle there has been no looking back. The determination to make good has stood them in good stead whilst making the rounds there has not been a single reported accident to date. Since the vehicle is small and compact and battery driven it is manoeuverable and requires less musculature and reflexes.

It should be possible to train more of these women to make them a veritable workforce on the traffic scene. This could meet with stiff opposition from operators who are liable to enforce their strong arm tactics. But they have to be sidelined in the greater interest of the fairer sex who could participate and benefit from schemes to uplift their working conditions.

Although heavy vehicles such as trucks, lorries and buses are out of bound for women drivers this could soon be a thing of the past. Driving these four wheelers is an entirely different proposition as it requires more muscles power and a high degree of alertness. Physical fitness and good vision are also prerequisites. It is not to say that female aspirants are lacking in these respects only that attributes such as these can stand in the way of getting hired.

Once women are allowed to drive any and all kinds of vehicles it will be a red letter day. And see drivers of both sexes rubbing shoulders in a spirit of camaraderie. This is the kind of attitude
which needs to be encouraged and not ones that downplay a profession however modest and humble. Even though there are detractors who may have it otherwise, there is every opportunity for
those who would wish to make driving an occupation and have the right mix of spirit and elan.