Social Capital
Basis Of Development

By Mukti Rijal

SOCIAL capital is a popular term for development theorists and practitioners. It is considered to be of highly instrumental and constitutive value for development. Social capital is defined as ability of social structures and underlying attitudes to increase the efficiency of collective action. Collective action is expressed in the joint efforts of communities to work together for strengthening their own mutuality and resolving their respective needs.

Element

Social capital, in fact comprises of two categories i.e. structural social capital and cognitive social capital. Structural social capital refers to objective and externally visible social structures such as networks, associations and institutions. Similarly, rules and procedures embodying an organisation are also the element of the structural social capital.

In the Nepalese context, users groups, beneficiary committees, sports clubs, and other neighbourhood associations are some of the examples of the social capital.

Another category of the social capital is called as cognitive social capital. It refers to more subjective and intangible elements such as generally accepted attitudes and norms of behaviours, shared values, reciprocity and trust.

Social capital has been broadly defined as institutions, relationships, attitudes and values that govern interaction and interrelationship among people and contribute to economic and social development. Social mobilisation and other community-based activities are based on the premise of social capital. In Nepal there are efforts to recognise and use the value of the social capital in social change and development.

Development theorists employ three major perspectives to define and classify social capital. The first is the communitarian perspective. This perspective defines the social capital in terms of local organisations and groups. This perspective has helped focus the attention of development practitioners on the role of social relations in the fight against poverty. But it precludes the detrimental aspects of social capital such as crime rings; mobs and groups that destroy the positive dimension attached to social mobilisation and capital.

The networks perspective of social capital comprises relationship between and within horizontal and vertical associations. In particular it refers to productive consequences of the social capital. Similarly, this approach recognises that while social capital can unite the members of a community it often does so at the cost of excluding none members as is for example, the case with for sects. A member belonging to a sect may be precluded from membership of another sect.

Then institutional view stresses that the political, legal and institutional environment are the main determinants of the strength of community networks.

Reliable transparent and predictable operation of the state, low levels of corruption and independent judiciary and strongly enforced individual and collection initiatives can be successful. Democracy and democratic institutions are thus very important for social mobilisation and development. The synergy view aims at to integrate the different concerns of the network and institutional approaches and seeks to strengthen relationships at different levels and contexts.

The social capital shares a number of features with the more traditional forms of capital that is fiscal capital and other resources. For example, social capital like physical capital accumulates as a stock that produces a stream of benefits.

Social capital also contains several features that set it apart from physical and human capital. First and by definition social capital unlike human capital cannot be built individually. Second, unlike physical capital, the stock of social capital does not decrease. Actually, it increases as a result of its use. As an expert on social capital points out " social capital does not wear out with use but rather with disuse."

In Nepal social mobilisation related activities are implemented based on the premises of social capital. The government and donors have emphasised on strengthening social capital and trust so that cohesion and solidarity for group activities are enhanced.

Social capital affects economic development. It helps development mainly by facilitating transactions among individuals, households and groups in developing countries. This effects can take several. Participation by individuals in social networks increases the availability of information and lower its cost. This information especially if it relates to such matters as crop prices, location of new markets , sources of credit or treatments for live stock disease can play critical role in increasing the returns from agriculture and trading.

Instrumental

Participation in local networks and attitude of mutual trust make it easier for any group to reach collective decision and implement collective action. It is high time we in Nepal pursued peace by resolving all type of political disputes to ensure that social capital becomes instrumental in our development endeavors. Political conflicts should not breach the foundation of social networks and trusts. This will hinder all our initiatives for progress and social gains.

The 'Giraffe' Women Of Thailand

By Wallapa T

THE picturesque twin villages of Tha Ton and Sai Noi, situated on Thailand's northern tip, have long been a tourist attraction. Not so much for their scenic beauty but the Padung women whose elongated, coiled necks fetch 10,000 tourists and millions of dollars every year for the Thai tourism industry.

Elegant

The 'giraffe' women, as they are often called, wear heavy copper coils around their necks, which push their faces up and make their necks look long and elegant. The coils also leave them deformed and disfigured for the rest of their lives.

The Padungs are originally tribal people from Myanmar, which shares its border with Thailand. The Padung settled in Thailand many years ago for a better life. They claim to be descendants of the ancient long-necked dragon and women traditionally wore coils as a protection from wild animals. The coils also became symbols of wealth and status and were worn as jewels. But today, the coils have shackled Padung women and girls into a life of bondage and physical destruction.

Mostly illiterate, the Padungs live in an area that has few employment opportunities. Because of illiteracy - and sometimes sheer laziness - Padung men are unable to find work even in the tourism sector. However, they have realised the potential of a tribal tradition and forced women to convert custom into lucrative business.

Tourists pay boatmen about 500 Baht (US $1= Baht 42) to reach these villages, called camps, run by tour operators. Access to camps is from Huay Puu Kaeng, an area controlled by tour operators. Guides take tourists around camps where Padung women are on display. Each woman receives 500 Baht each month for wearing the coils all the time.

Robert, boat operator-cum-tour guide-cum-translator, says, "There are at least 800 women who wear coils. We pay 400,000 Baht a year to these women. Many women also make their daughters (some as young as five years) wear coils." More coils means better income for the family. Tourists also buy souvenirs from shops run by the long-necked women and tip them to take their photographs.

The first coil (weighing about one kg) is usually worn when the girl is five or six years old. Some girls are coiled at the age of two. The second coil is added when the girl is about eight years old and the third is put when she reaches the age of 12. Each additional coil is progressively heavier. Girls who have stronger necks wear more than four coils (weighing about 5 kg) by the time they are 15. But most girls start showing signs of damage to the neck in their teens. The neck muscles weaken and are unable to support the weight of the head. This makes the girls even more dependent on the coils. Dr Suphot Chaiwattanasucha, an orthopedic surgeon in Bangkok, says, "The shape of the ribs changes because they are forced downwards. The chest cage too is compressed." Many Padung women liken the coils to a dog collar.

Six-year-old Ma Ping already has one coil around her neck. "I will be beautiful like my mother when I grow up," she says proudly. "The coil hurts a lot. Sometimes I cannot sleep. When we are alone at home my mother sometimes takes it off."

Despite the pain, Ping, like many others, will get used to the coils and may even insist that she be buried with them. "I have been wearing the coils since I was little," says a 70-year-old woman. "I haven't taken them off even once in 50 years."

Ma Da, a young woman, claims that coil wearing is voluntary. "Today young girls can decide whether they want to wear them or not," she adds. But most families don't wait for the girls to grow up and take a decision. With men in the household rarely getting an income, a young coiled girl is a security for the future.

Though several tourists come to these villages to spot the Padung beauties, many return angry and frustrated. "I wish human rights advocates would come here free the humans from this zoo," said one.
Do the Padungs feel exploited or abused? Robert refuses to translate this question for us. However, many women do dream of giving their daughters a better life. "My daughter will study and go to work in the city," says Ma Tieu hugging her two-month-old daughter. But for most women today, wearing coils are the only means of livelihood.

Price

The Thai government promotes Padung women as a tourist draw. Publicity brochures often have the 'giraffe' women beckoning tourists to visit Thailand. But Padung women pay a very big price for this Thai exotica.

(Women's Feature Service)