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November, 2003

Legal Side

More on Blacklisting

by Bharat Raj Upreti

The Nepal Rastra Bank (NRB) has recently introduced new directive on blacklisting (the Directive). The way in which this Directive has been introduced gives a perfect example of our system which is not based on any rule and lacks transparency and inclusiveness in the law making process. General public including the stakeholders are rarely consulted during the whole law making process. The Directive has come as a biggest shock to the business community which was not consulted in the drafting process despite the Directive having far reaching consequences on them. This, however, is not something new. In Nepal, until recently a Bill used to be stamped "confidential" till it was discussed by the legislators.

The Directive is claimed to be introduced as a prudential norm to safeguard our financial system. However, it has gone far away from being a prudential norm. And the circumstances after the introduction of the Directive suggest that it has been designed on the basis of few bad cases. The regulator should have known that if any law is based on odd cases you are bound to have a bad law. Leaving aside the legality and rationality of the Directive, its introduction is also very untimely. Currently, Nepali business community is facing the evils of disorder, mismanagement, insecurity, extortions and war at different fronts. Due to the Maoist violence, the business is at all times low. In addition, there exists dual system of taxation for the business community, one of the State and the other imposed by the Maoists. To make the matter worse, the Regulator is squeezing the business community without any sympathy and the new Directive is one such recent example.

Legality, Constitutionality and Rationality

For any provision to be effective as a law, it has to withstand mainly three tests - legality, constitutionality and rationality. The Directive fails all these three tests. 

The Directive goes far beyond the nature of prudential norm and therefore the NRB clearly does not have any authority to impose anything in the nature of this Directive under the Nepal Rastra Bank Act 2058. Moreover, the legality of the Directive stands on a shaky ground because of the way it is introduced. Assuming that the NRB has authority to introduce the Directive under the said Act of 2058, the Directive requires an approval of the Board of the NRB.  Some of the board members of the NRB say they do not have knowledge about the Directive ever being presented before the Board for approval.

Under the new Directive, where a person (including a legal person) is blacklisted, the banks and financial institutions are prohibited from extending credit facility to such blacklisted persons including their close relatives. If a mother is blacklisted, her son or daughter cannot avail credit facility from the banks and financial institutions. If a private company is blacklisted, all its shareholders are automatically blacklisted. A shareholder holding more than 10% share in a public company which has defaulted a bank loan is also blacklisted irrespective of whether or not such person is involved in the management of the company. Further, the family members of the blacklisted persons also cannot avail credit. In the present context, if these persons are totally excluded from the financial system, it would be virtually impossible for them to pursue any trade or occupation or even profession.  It seems that the NRB with its newfound autonomy feels that it is above the Constitution of Nepal and absolute ruler who can rule in isolation from the constitution. The Constitution of Nepal guarantees right to profession, trade and occupation as a fundamental right. The Directive ignores and violates such rights without there being any reasonable legal justification.

It is very difficult to find any rational basis for the Directive for it is based on none. There cannot be any good reason for blacklisting a person only because one of its projects fails while, say for example, 10 others are successful projects. If the rational was to force him to divert the cash from other successful projects to bail out the concerned unsuccessful project, then that would be ignoring other creditors and investors who have invested in the successful projects because of their financial strength of such projects. There can be no reason for blacklisting the whole group of business if one of them fails.

The real economic impact of the Directive on the economy may be best analyzed by an economist. But, this author can assert with some confidence that if the Directive is implemented to its words, the banks and financial institutions would not get any one left to do business with.

The Directive also creates moral hazard as it takes all the risk off the banks and financial institutions and lets them enjoy their profit without having to take any risks. This in a long run would make our financial institutions more incompetent as their incompetence will go unpunished whereas it will fail to encourage entrepreneurship pushing the whole economy towards poverty. It may pave the way for the failure of the whole banking and financial system.  

Possible basis for the Directive

It can be gathered from the published materials that the funding agencies are pressuring the NRB to clean up the Non Performing Assets (NPA) from the balance-sheets of some government owned banks and financial institutions as a part of the effort at reforming Nepali financial system, whereas, being the prime regulator and custodian of Nepali economy, NRB should have been acting on its own. The NRB may well have found a shortcut to that goal in the form of the Directive. However, in doing so, the leadership of NRB is forgetting that it is cutting the same branch of a tree on which it is sitting. Moreover, the Directive fails to address the real problems that are giving rise to accumulation of such huge NPA. The major contributors to the huge NPA are the government owned banks whose lendings are political lendings and corrupt lendings (with the involvement of security valuators and mangers of the banks), where there is virtually no effective supervision of loan utilization and where the management is unaccountable and inefficient. This is also the result of waiver of prudential norms granted to these pampered government banks in the past on case to case basis.  Unfortunately, the Directive, following this tradition, still exempts the directors of the government owned corporate bodies from its ambit.

It is also a general feeling in business community that some persons involved in the policy making of the NRB were involved in the shady bank lendings in the past and they have designed this Directive as a face saving effort or to grant themselves an immunity. This may also be one of the many examples of decision making process being impaired with vested interest. The contents of the Directives support this view to a great extent. 

The contents of the Directive also suggest that the NRB is lacking a leadership which has dynamism and is capable of using prudence in decision making on matters having long term impact on the overall economy of the nation. Such dynamism and capability was expected from the new autonomous Rastra Bank as envisaged by the Nepal Rastra Bank Act 2058. The expectation has been belied.

What needs to be done

The operation of the Directive should be immediately suspended. If the NRB can not do without the Directive, it should make it applicable only in the cases where the fraudulent lending and misuse of the bank fund has been done and also only as a temporary measure. It should not be made applicable where project or business failure is the result of market forces or any event or circumstances beyond the control of the enterprises.

The system of Credit Information Bureau (CIB) incorporated by the Directive should however be encouraged and this institution should be strengthened. Its role, however, should be restricted to the information bank on credit worthiness of individuals or companies.  The provision should be made mandatory for the banks and financial institutions to consult the information kept by the CIB before granting any credit facility irrespective of the amount involved.

We need a system where the honest are rewarded and culprits are punished. Therefore, the law should give different treatment to the debtors who have no intention to fraud and to the debtors who have such intention. To deal with the latter category of the debtors, a law focusing on financial crime (for example, misuse of banking funds) should be introduced on a priority basis.

Under the existing law, banks and financial institutions are given a great deal of protection. However, there does not exist any standard to measure the quality of services provided by the banks and financial institutions. This sector should also take some initiative for self discipline and formulate a banking code setting the standard of their service. At least, in doing so the Nepal Bankers' Association can claim to have done something visible.

(Upreti is a leading corporate lawyer. He can be reached at Bharat@pioneerlaw.com) 


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