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COMMENT |
Everyone is talking of a dialogue between the government and the Maoists, but
no talks have been held yet. Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala, while speaking at a
rally in Ramechhap a few days back, openly told the Maoists to put their demands before
the government. Former Prime Minister and Coordinator of the High Level Maoist
Problem Resolution Committee Sher Bahadur Deuba, while speaking at an inter-action
programme organised by the Reporters Club on Sunday, informed that he could write a letter
to Maoist leader Prachanda any day and ask for their agenda to hold talks. Meanwhile from
the other side, communicating through the media, Prachanda, has stated that the Maoists
are ready to hold talks with the government even if just the minimum environment for
holding dialogue is developed. Considered a friend of the Maoists, former MP and human
rights activist Padma Ratna Tuladhar, who just had a long discussion with the Prime
Minister, opined that there is no reason why talks cannot be held between the government
and the Maoists when both the sides are ready for it. But sadly, in spite of so much
hullabaloo about the government and the Maoists sitting down for discussions and resolving
the violent conflict amicably, nothing concrete has happened and the senseless killing of
innocent people goes on. A time has come, when villagers suffering from the insurgency movement, have come and camped at the centre of the City and are also holding demonstrations demanding something be done for them. No more is the Maoists problem something that is happening in remote hilly districts, leaders and the general populace everywhere are feeling the sting of the insurgents. On Monday itself, a senior leader of the ruling Nepali Congress was killed in broad daylight while coming back from a walk in the Terai district of Siraha. The outpouring of grief shown at the demise of the NC leader and also many other people, shows the people are concerned about this Nepali versus Nepali violence. However, unless the leadership here at the centre reacts to the violence of the insurgents and the concern of the people, nothing will happen. Like mentioned by former MP Tuladhar, it is the government that has to take the initiative and create an environment for talks to be held. The nation is already in a serious mess, politically, economically and security wise, and even now, if nothing is done, no remedy may be there to cure the ills of the nation later. The citizenship issue has indeed become a thorny issue in Nepal. There are
several million people, mainly in the Terai, who are without such documents. According to
a commission that was formed during the 9-month rule of the CPN-UML, to look into the
problem, there were about 3.6 million people without citizenship certificates. The number
is now estimated to be 4 million. Recently, a bill to amend the citizenship act of 2020
B.S.,was rejected and returned to the Lower House by the Upper House without any
suggestions. The bill was unanimously passed by the Lower House; but the opposition
parties in the Upper House and also four of the ruling party MPs voted against or
abstained from voting. The bill was meant to provide citizenship papers to those persons
whose fathers do not have such documents, as required by the Act. According to lawyers it would have benefitted a significant number of those people. The bill also contains the provision to go to the court if the authority, the Chief District Officer, refuses to give citizenship certificate to the genuine cases. However, the opponents of the bill have pointed out that some of the clauses of the bill are dubious or not fully analysed. The Nepal Sadhvabana Party, however, has refused the bill. It says that the people of the Terai, irrespective of where they come from or what their descents are, should be given the citizenship certificates. They overlooked the fact that many who are without citizenship certificates, but are living or working in the Terai are Indian citizens. It is imperative that a fair course be adopted whereby all the citizens of Nepal get a citizenship certificate and all hoax cases be screened out. Putting water to work in the neibhbourhood The
Ganga-Brahmaputra-Meghna system is second only to the Amazon is drainage area, but ranks
first in every other respect, including an arable area of 79 million hectares (as against
mostly forest in the Amazon basin), and over 100,000 MW of potential hydro-power. It is
home to the about 10 per cent of the worlds population, and a much higher proportion
of the poor. Cooperative development is the key to unlocking the vast potential of its
water resources, but has been stymied so far by political boundaries and a legacy of
distrust. Data is held closely in each of the countries because we are afraid it will
strengthen our neighbours claims in what is seen as a zero-sum game. Such is the
aura of secrecy that surrounds water resources that you cannot even show where the Farakka
barrage is on a map. However, perceptions are beginning to
change, partly due to the tireless efforts of visionaries like George Verghese, whose
books, such as Waters of Hope, are widely read in Nepal and Bangladesh and have done much
to make the arcane technicalities of the subject come alive to the common man. This is the
essential first step if there is to be popular pressure within the countries on
governments to cooperate. One of the recommendations of a recent
Track II conference held in Dhaka was that apart from data sharing through web-sites, the
water resources ministers of the countries should meet in 2000 just to share their plans
and perspectives. Incredibly, although regional ministers representing every other
conceivable subject have met, this has never happened with water resources. So the
Bangladeshis learn only at second hand about what the Ganga Action Plan is, or what our
plans for National Waterways 1 and 2 are, we do not know what Nepals latest plans
are to develop its hydro-power, Bangladesh was not given a copy of the Mahakali treaty
between India and Nepal, and so on. The climate is conducive for new
initiatives in the wake of two landmark treaties signed in 1996, made possible partly by
Track II dialogue the Ganga water sharing treaty with Bangladesh, and the Mahakali
treaty with Nepal. Now that Bangladesh is assured of minimum lean season flow for the next
30 years (of 35,000) cusecs during six alternating 10 day periods during March-May) it is
going ahead with trying to desilt the mouth of the Gorai river, a distributary of the
Ganga, so that the Gorai can carry more water to flush out southwestern Bangladesh, which
is suffering from salinity and sea-water ingress. If this does not work, as is likely, it
is actively considering building a barrage to feed water into the Gorai, similar to
Farakka, with the design of which India could help. Another area of cooperation with
Bangladesh is the Teesta, where, in a classic demonstration of the baleful effects of
boundaries, both India and Bangladesh have built barrages on either side of the border
although there is enough water for only one barrage. Can the two countries now manage them
jointly, or at least in tandem, to increase irrigation to both countries, even if this
entails some water from the Indian barrage irrigating land in Bangladesh upstream of the
their barrage? Cooperation on the Teesta is urgent, because as soon as the canals are
completed farmers in both countries will be clamouring for water. Part of the task is to agree on flows in
the river, an exercise that was first mooted in 1973, but which is only now about be
started through a joint measurement exercise. Similarly, would Bangladesh be willing to
participate in cost and management sharing on the Tipaimukh project (when finally
cleared), as it stands to benefit from energy, irrigation and navigation benefits?
Bangladesh has indeed indicated that it might be willing to participate in the Sapta Kosi
dam in Nepal, which will increase lean season flows in the Ganga, and help control floods
in the monsoons. Nepal is interested in the Sapta Kosi not only for its power and
irrigation benefits, but because it will help give Nepal navigational access to the sea.
The power would be sold mostly to the Indian market, emulating the success story of Bhutan
which, thanks to the Chukha project, now has a higher per capita GDP than any of the other
South Asian countries with the exception of the Maldives. The revenues it earns from
Chukha have been partly responsible for the tremendous strides it has made in education
and other basic services. A much bigger project, Tala, of 1040 MW,
will come on stream in another few years, and Bhutan is already talking to Bangladesh
about the sale of peak power, to be wheeled through India. Could this be the beginning of
a regional grid? Should Nepal develop the political consensus to go the Bhutan way, the
6400 MW Pancheshwar project on the western boundary with India is likely to be the first
to be taken up. The two countries have finally opened
offices at the project site to start preparing the long delayed joint detailed project
report. There are many issues that remain to be sorted out, including financing, but once
the politics is sorted out, it will be possible for World Bank and ADB to step in, not to
mention the private sector (as in the proposed 750 MW West Seti project in Nepal, which is
trying to tie up firm buyers in India). It is essential of course that we take
note of all the lessons learned so far about involving local communities right from the
start in planning and implementing the project, and that there is total transparency about
likely impacts before a final decision is taken. The paper prepared by India for the conference points out Everything is created twice, first in the mind and then in physical form. The vision is becoming much clearer, and suggests an agenda for cooperative action which could keep the four countries (including Bhutan) busy for the next few decades. The question is how soon will they start? I am writing this letter to ask you to look into the situation that has
happened to one of your very own citizen. I am writing on behalf of the Amnesty
International group in my school Epsom Girls Grammer School, who all feel that this case
should be given some attention to. I will like to explain this case to you which might not
have come to your attention. It concerns a 24 year old lady by the name of Laxmi Mudbari, she was arrested
under the Public Offences Act on 31st of January 2000, when she went to a programme
organised by the Akhil Nepal Mahila Sangh. The Appellate Court reduced her bail to 5,000
rupees from 28,000 because her family could not afford it. Her relatives deposited the bail amount
on 23rd of April and a release order was issued by the Chief District Officer, however she
was later seen being taken from the prison in Morang ( the witnesses say it was plain
clothes policemen who took her away), she was taken from the prison in a white Toyota land
cruiser with a false registration plate. She has never been seen by any one after that day
and nothing has been done to look into her disappearance. The worse thing is that she was
5 months pregnant at the time of disappearance! Vicka Poudyal On the government plans and policies We need fundamental changes in Nepal at every level. In the name of new
policies and plans- what politicians are doing is reproducing same things again and again
in different names that reflect mass inefficiency, insincerity, deception, cheap
imitation, jealousy, sense of insecurity that resulted in corruption. The fact is also
that today, leaders are the products of the same society of which we are a part. That
makes everyone equally responsible for projecting what is happening in the country. It
does not matter whoever or whichever party comes in power. They all come from the
distorted and misinterpreted (value) system, contributed by religion, education system and
culture. So in a way, when we blame leaders, we blame ourselves. Nepal is already in a crisis. It lacks leadership, vision, honesty, love,
trust, skills, right attitude, creativity, innovation and value system. Fundamental human
issues are buried under pseudo intellectualism. It seems funny to find the politicians/
bureaucrats using tax systems and policies that are cheaply imitated from other
countries. A typical example is- VAT system, which has been implemented without
much-needed thoughts/review and reflection, the education system that under goes only
superficial changes. We are good at copying things. We have yet to learn to ask
fundamental questions that we really need to address. Nepal needs to change the education
system, value system, and we need to reinterpret the religion itself, which has been
gravely misinterpreted and misunderstood. Our effort should geared towards simplifying the
process, thoughts, and practice so that common people can really understand and benefit
from it. r Rajeeb L. Satyal |
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